Social Media Effects on Teens
Social media has a profound impact on teenagers, who are increasingly connected through various platforms, with many reporting they are online "almost constantly." While teens generally view social media as an avenue for building friendships and enhancing communication, adults express concerns about issues such as cyberbullying, dating violence, and sexting. Research indicates that social media can have both positive and negative effects on teens' social and emotional well-being. On one hand, it serves as a means for shy individuals to gain confidence and form relationships, while also providing a space for creative expression and identity exploration. Conversely, the risks associated with cyberbullying and dating abuse are significant, with studies showing correlations between extensive social media use and increased instances of harassment. Furthermore, the phenomenon of sexting has raised legal and social concerns, as many teens are unaware of the potential repercussions. Overall, the conversation around social media's effects on teens underscores the need for increased media literacy among both youth and adults to navigate the challenges and benefits presented by these digital platforms.
Social Media Effects on Teens
Abstract
Teenagers live in a networked world, and research has shown that a substantial majority of teens use multiple social networking sites. A large number of teens have smartphones as well. Teens often view social media as a means of connecting with their friends, most of whom are also part of their person-to-person circles. Adults view social media more critically, concerned that increases in cyberbullying, cyber dating abuse, and sexting pose real threats to youth. Experts argue that solutions to the problem require a balanced view and an increase in media literacy for teens and adults.
Overview
According to the Pew Research Center’s 2024 report on teens, social media, and technology, nearly half of all surveyed American teens say they are online “almost constantly.” And American teens are not alone. Previously, a 2008 World Internet Project survey of thirteen countries found that 95 percent or more of the youngest teens (12–14 years old) in Israel, Canada, the Czech Republic, and the United Kingdom were Internet users.
Experts have attributed this increase in online time to the omnipresence of the smartphone. The majority of American teens have phones that provide Wi-Fi connectivity, web browsing capabilities, and the ability to run sophisticated apps, hundreds of which are available. The number of teens owning these sophisticated phones increased substantially in the early twenty-first century. Smartphone ownership is not equal across all groups: more girls than boys own one, more older teens (15–17) than younger ones (13–14), more urban youths than rural, more high-income than low, and more African American youths than White youths or Hispanic youths, but even in the smallest ownership group (teens with parents who have less than a high school diploma), 60 percent of youths have smartphones.
Smartphones are not the only devices to which teens have access. Most teens have access to a computer (desktop or laptop, tablet computer, or a game console such as a PlayStation. Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat are some of the most popular social networking sites. The typical teen sends or receives dozens of messages each day.
Some teens report taking their phones to bed and texting throughout the night. Scholars and parents alike have questioned the effects of social media on the social and emotional well-being of teens. Research suggests that the effects can be beneficial and detrimental. The opportunities for creative expression, social interaction and identity exploration are large, but so too is the potential for bullying, abuse, conflict, and threats to privacy. Some look for ways to protect from the threats, and others argue for a new media literacy that will prepare youths as contributors and consumers in their native digital world.
Beneficial Effects. According to the Common Sense Media survey in 2012, teens themselves generally believe their use of social media has no effect on their social and emotional well-being. Most of those who see social media as affecting their view of themselves and their relationship with others see the effects as positive. Shy teens especially seem prone to this view. Twenty-nine percent of teens who participated in the survey felt that social networking made them less shy, and almost as many (28 percent) believed it made them more outgoing. One-fifth thought social networking increased their confidence, and 19 percent felt it made them more popular.
Of particular interest, given concerns about bullying and meanness, 19 percent felt that they were more sympathetic because of social networking. A minority (5 percent or less) believed the effect was negative. Teens viewed the effects of social media on relationships even more positively, with more than half saying their relationships with friends had improved as a result of social media use, and more than a third seeing improved family relationships as well. Rather than isolating teens, as some adults have feared, most teens say that social media not only helps them maintain contact with friends they do not see as often as they would like (88 percent), but they say it also allows them to expand friendships with fellow students they don’t know well (69 percent) and to connect with those who share a common interest (57 percent).
Research suggests that some optimism is justified. Social media provides a space for teens to explore their identity and form social relationships that are important in healthy development. Shy teens may improve social skills and increase self-esteem through contacts that are less intimidating than face-to-face encounters. The opportunity to connect with others who share their interests may be particularly important for teens who are “different” in some way and have been unable to make such connections in other venues. Girls who use social media gain a sense of confidence and empowerment that allows them freedom from social and cultural boundaries. Creating online profiles, expressing opinions, sharing experiences, and other such activities allow teens to become “published” authors with an authentic audience. Writing instructors have long recognized how important audience and publication are in developing competent writers.
Further Insights
Regardless of the real benefits of social media for teens, not all effects are positive.
Cyberbullying. Cyberbullying has been the focus of much attention in the press and in schools. Mark and Ratliffe point out that although cyberbullying lacks the physical threat of traditional bullying, it possesses the same potential for mental and emotional harm.
The anonymity available to cyberbullies removes the power differential in size and physical strength that is typically part of traditional bullying, and the bully is distant from the victim, making the bully less aware of harm inflicted and thus less likely to experience regret. It may also encourage bullies to act more aggressively, including the relational bullying most often perpetrated by girls. Cyberbullies are primarily motivated by revenge, and since they use texts, cell phones, computers, websites, chat rooms, instant messages and social networking sites, their attacks are pervasive, their potential audience large, and their comments permanent.
Multiple studies found significant correlations among cyberbullying, the number of times teens visited social media, and the length of the visits. Teens whose Internet use consisted of more than three hours a day were almost seven times more likely to be involved in cyberbullying than were teens who used the Internet less often, and the use of webcams once or twice per week and message boards almost daily increased the likelihood of repeated cyberbullying.
Victims of cyberbullies are more likely than others to experience loss of self-esteem, increased feelings of isolation and helplessness, and higher rates of depression and suicide ideation. The Vodafone global survey of around five thousand teens in eleven countries (2015) revealed that 43 percent think cyberbullying is a greater problem than drugs. About one in five said they had been the victim of a cyberbully, but almost 40 percent said they did not tell an adult because the teens felt ashamed, feared their parents would get involved, or were concerned about what their parents would do. Feelings of depression was the most common reaction, and 18 percent said they had thoughts of suicide.
Teen suicides connected to cyberbullying have led to a public outcry and pushed states to amend existing laws or enact new ones. Almost all US states have laws against cyberbullying; many consider it a subset of bullying and others have statutes dealing specifically with cyberbullying. Reports of the number of teens who say they have been cyberbullied range widely, with various studies finding from 15 to 70 percent. Some evidence suggests that the offense is under-reported. As many as 90 percent of teens do not tell an adult about the experience and many think their parents and teachers would do little to stop cyberbullying. Some adults who do know choose not to act because they believe children and teens need to learn to deal with bullying on their own.
Dating Violence. “Teen dating violence” refers to a range of abuses (physical, sexual, psychological, and emotional) that occur between teens who are engaged in dating/romantic relationships with one another. Social media have made it possible for perpetrators of teen dating violence to abuse their partners in new ways. Dating partners may use social media to monitor the whereabouts of a partner or to control their activities; to commit emotional aggression toward a partner, and to refuse to respond to calls, texts, and other contacts via technology.
For example, one male hacked into his partner’s Facebook account, read all the messages she had ever received or posted, and forced her to explain each one. Another created a ‘‘hate’’ website about a former partner and invited friends to post insults. Other teens reported that their partner had left threatening messages on their cell phone, uploaded or shared a humiliating or harassing picture of them online or through their cell phone, or prevented them from using a computer or cell phone.
The Cyberbullying Research Center reported that more than a third of teens said their partner checked up on them as many as thirty times per day and 17 percent said that their partner’s intimidation made them afraid to respond to cell phone calls, e-mail, or text messages. Zweig et al. cite a study conducted by Teen Research Unlimited that reports few teens (10 percent) reveal being physically threatened by their partner through an e-mail, instant message, or text message, but one-fourth reported having been harassed or insulted by their partner via cell phone and texting. Other dating abuse included spreading rumors (19 percent), posting harassing or derogatory statements on a social networking site (17 percent), and sharing private or embarrassing photographs or videos (11 percent). More than half of victims of sexual cyber dating abuse also experienced sexual coercion, compared with 8 percent of non-victims, and about a third of perpetrators of sexual cyber dating abuse have also perpetrated sexual coercion compared with 2 percent of non-perpetrators. Victims of sexual cyber dating abuse and/or sexual coercion were twice as likely to be female.
Issues
Sexting. Mainstream media have reported teen sexting as a dangerous epidemic. The case of Jessica Logan, an eighteen-year-old Ohio teen who died by suicide after a former boyfriend sent nude images of her that she had sent to him to others, leading to harassment at school, became a prominent example. Surveys on sexting among the twelve to seventeen age group found that between 15 and 30 percent have sent or received nude or semi-nude photos or videos of themselves via cell phone. The Pew Research Center reported in 2009 that 4 percent of cellphone owning teens ages twelve to seventeen have sent sexts, but 15 percent report having received them. Teens who paid all costs of their cell phones were more than four times likelier than their peers whose phone costs were paid by someone else to have sent sexually suggestive images via text. Strohmaier, Murphy, and DeMatteo conducted an anonymous online survey of college students asking about their sexting activity before turning eighteen. Fifty-four percent said they had engaged in sexting as minors. However, just slightly more than a fourth had sent photographic texts.
The Pew report revealed that sexting most commonly occurred in the context of a romantic relationship. Strohmaier and colleagues confirmed this finding: 44 percent of students who reported sexting either words or images said the exchange took place between partners in an exclusive romantic relationship, and 34 percent said it occurred in the context of flirting with a romantic interest. Strohmaier et al. also reported that 15 percent of their sample felt pressured to reciprocate when they received a sext image. Girls were twice as likely to feel this pressure as boys, although all those who felt they were pressured to send a sext image were more likely than those who felt no pressure to experience concern after sending the image. The average age of first sext was 15.9, and Strohmaier et al., like other researchers found that older teens were more likely to sext than younger ones.
Legal Issues. Confusion about sexting plagues everyone from teens to parents to those who make the laws and those who enforce them. Teens are unaware of the potential consequences. Few teens have experienced negative social or legal effects from sexting, although 71 percent say they know someone who experienced negative consequences. Most respondents (61 percent) were unaware that sending sexts could result in child pornography charges. Almost as many said that knowing about this possibility definitely or probably would have been a deterrent.
The Cyberbullying Research Center reported that twenty-five states in 2015 had laws covering sexting by minors. Some require counseling or education for the offender; others allow prosecutors to use their discretion in whether to charge the offender with a misdemeanor or with a child pornography felony. Six states impose a felony penalty, and a 2013 survey by the Crimes Against Children Research Center found that 16 percent of prosecutors who charged minors in sexting cases saw convictions that led to the defendant’s registration as a sex offender. Wolak, Finkelhor, and Mitchell found that arrests occurred in just 18 percent of cases that involved juveniles only and were free of aggravating elements. In the 36 percent of cases that involved adults, 62 percent resulted in arrests; in the 31 percent that involved a minor engaged in malicious, non-consensual, or abusive behavior, more than a third resulted in arrests.
Most teens who use social media do not experience these negative effects. Danah Boyd argues that social media sites have become the equivalent of the malt shop, the mall, or other places where earlier generations of teens met with large groups of their friends for social interaction unsupervised by adults. The combination of fearful parents and restrictive laws has created a fenced-in generation, and social media offers the free space teens want. Teens are not, as media often portray them, addicted to technology—their interest is extending time with their friends. The solution to the social media dangers that adults fear is not to demonize technology but to teach teens to engage social media critically. Teens have cited the lack of awareness they perceive in adults as a reason not to report cyber offenses. Parents and teachers have a responsibility to develop their own knowledge of social media in order to intervene when needed.
Terms & Concepts
Cyberbullying: The use of electronic technology, including e-mail, cell phones, and social networking sites such as Facebook, Instagram and Snapchat to willfully harm someone through harassment, intimidation, or threats.
Cyber Dating Abuse: The use of electronic technology, including e-mail, cell phones, and social networking sites such as Facebook, Instagram and Snapchat to verbally or emotionally abuse a current or former dating partner by control, manipulation, harassment, intimidation, or stalking.
Drama: Interpersonal conflict in which the participants are aware that they are performing for an audience, often on social media.
Relational Aggression: The use of such strategies as gossip, ostracism, and manipulation to damage a person’s social status or relationships; often called “covert aggression” and associated with mean girl behavior.
Sexting: Sending sexually explicit texts, images, or photographs via mobile devices, most commonly cell phones.
Social Media: Applications and websites that allow users to generate content, to share content with others, and to respond to content within a community context; most frequently used to refer to platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, LinkedIn, and Instagram, but also used more broadly to include blogs, forums, bookmarking sites, and similar applications.
Bibliography
Alvarez, A. R. (2012). “IH8U”: Confronting cyberbullying and exploring the use of cybertools in teen dating relationships. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 68(11), 1205–1215.
Boyd, D. (2014). It’s complicated: The social lives of networked teens. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Curnutt, H. (2012). Flashing your phone: Sexting and the remediation of teen sexuality. Communication Quarterly, 60(3), 353–369.
Daniels, E., & Zurbriggen, E. (2016). “It’s not the right way to do stuff on Facebook:” An investigation of adolescent girls’ and young women’s attitudes toward sexualized photos on social media. Sexuality & Culture, 20(4), 936–964. Retrieved October 23, 2016, from EBSCO Online Database Sociology Source Ultimate. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sxi&AN=118990081&site=ehost-live
Faverio, M., & Sidoti, O. (2024). Teens, social media and technology 2024. Pew Research Center. www.pewresearch.org/internet/2024/12/12/teens-social-media-and-technology-2024/
Lemola, S., Perkinson-Gloor, N., Brand, S., Dewald-Kaufmann, J., & Grob, A. (2015). Adolescents’ electronic media use at night, sleep disturbance, and depressive symptoms in the smartphone age. Journal of Youth & Adolescence, 44(2), 405–418. Retrieved October 23, 2016, from EBSCO Online Database Sociology Source Ultimate. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sxi&AN=100399435&site=ehost-live
Mark, L. & Ratliffe, K. T. (2011). Cyber worlds: New playgrounds for bullying. Computers in the Schools, 28(2), 92–116.
Strohmaier, H., Murphy, M. & DeMatteo, D. (2014). “Youth sexting,” sexuality research and social Policy. Sexuality Research and Social Policy, 11(3), 245–255.
Subrahmanyam, K. & Šmahel, D. (2011). Digital youth: The role of media in development. New York, NY: Springer.
Wolak, J., Finkelhor, D., & Mitchell, K. (2012). How often are teens arrested for sexting? Data from a national sample of police cases. Pediatrics, 129(1), 1–9.
Zweig, J., Dank, M., Yahner, J., & Lachman, P. (2013). The rate of cyber dating abuse among teens and how it relates to other forms of teen dating violence. Journal of Youth & Adolescence, 42(7), 1063–1077. Retrieved October 23, 2016, from EBSCO Online Database Sociology Source Ultimate. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sxi&AN=88060545&site=ehost-live
Suggested Reading
D’Antona, R., Kervorkian, M., & Russon, A. (2010). Sexting, texting, cyberbullying and keeping youth safe online. Journal of Social Sciences, 6(4), 523–528.
De Ridder, S., & Van Bauwel, S. (2013). Commenting on pictures: Teens negotiating gender and sexualities on social networking sites. Sexualities, 16(5/6), 565–586. Retrieved October 23, 2016, from EBSCO Online Database Sociology Source Ultimate. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sxi&AN=90053862&site=ehost-live
Gallo, L. L. (2013). Social media’s effects on children and adolescents. Counseling Today, 55(10), 26–28.
Marwick, A., & Boyd, D. (2014). “It’s just drama”: Teen perspectives on conflict and aggression in a networked era. Journal of Youth Studies, 17(9), 1187–1204. Retrieved October 23, 2016, from EBSCO Online Database Sociology Source Ultimate. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sxi&AN=98775160&site=ehost-live
Neely, J. C. (2015). Plugging in: Possibilities for connecting teens and communities through scholastic and nonscholastic youth media websites. Youth & Society, 47(4), 565–585. Retrieved October 23, 2016, from EBSCO Online Database Sociology Source Ultimate. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sxi&AN=103005445&site=ehost-live
Oosten, J., Peter, J., & Boot, I. (2015). Exploring associations between exposure to sexy online self-presentations and adolescents' sexual attitudes and behavior. Journal of Youth & Adolescence, 44(5), 1078–1091. Retrieved October 23, 2016, from EBSCO Online Database Sociology Source Ultimate. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sxi&AN=101989380&site=ehost-live
Seo, H., Houston, J. B., Knight, L. T., Kennedy, E. J., & Inglish, A. B. (2014). Teens’ social media use and collective action. New Media & Society, 16(6), 883–902. Retrieved October 23, 2016, from EBSCO Online Database Sociology Source Ultimate. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sxi&AN=97931671&site=ehost-live
Vickery, J. R. (2015). “I don’t have anything to hide, but … ”: The challenges and negotiations of social and mobile media privacy for non-dominant youth. Information, Communication & Society, 18(3), 281–294. Retrieved October 23, 2016, from EBSCO Online Database Sociology Source Ultimate. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sxi&AN=100099789&site=ehost-live