Cultural Capital and U.S. Education

Cultural capital refers to the knowledge or skills a group of people possesses that can be attributed to what they learn from their family, culture, and those around them rather than through formal education. Middle-class, white cultural capital dominates and serves as a normative role throughout all levels of U.S. society, including education. Those who possess these values tend to be more successful than those who do not. Thus, cultural capital plays in all levels of education, including elementary school, high school, and higher education. Furthermore, the cultural capital of different racial and ethnic groups may affect their success in an academic environment. Lastly, masculinity, and the cultural capital placed on it, may impose conflicting views on students.

Keywords Assimilation; Cultural Capital; Dual Socializations; Habitus; Legitimate; Outcast; Privilege; Selective Flight; Social Status; White Flight

Politics, Government, & Education > Cultural Capital & U.S. Education

Overview

Education is typically thought of as a school or classroom setting with an instructor teaching a lesson to a group of students. Yet learning in non-formal, less institutionalized terms begins at home, where children acquire the social practices of their parents, family members, and those who surround them. While parents may teach their children to count or say the alphabet in order to prepare them for school, parents also teach them manners, customs, and appropriate behaviors. It is in this way that children begin to develop their mores, personalities, and characteristics. Loosely defined, cultural capital refers to this intangible knowledge that we learn from the people who surround us. Most often this knowledge includes how one's family or culture views school and formal educational institutions. Silva (2006) defines cultural capital as "an appropriate form of investment that can secure a return, in the form of an accumulating asset bearing on social position" (p. 1173).

Historical Perspectives

Cultural Capital Theory (CCT), first articulated by Pierre Bourdieu and his associate Jean-Claude Passeron in France in the 1960s, looks at the relationship between one's cultural resources and his or her learning outcomes (Barone, 2006, p. 1041). The term "habitus" is sometimes used in conjunction with the term cultural capital as a way of very specifically defining individual cultural behaviors or developments. In the 1930s, Norbert Elias used habitus in a social context to discuss daily practices of individuals, groups, and societies as well as the totality and lasting impact of these learned habits. In other words, these habits become so deeply ingrained or associated with a certain group that they become second nature (the English translation of the term, habitus) (King, 2005, p. 223). CCT argues that in contemporary societies, each social class strives to maintain a certain rooted cultural identity. Such an identity maintains its resiliency over time and strongly influences how people perceive "the educational system, the labor market, leisure time, and the political arena" (Barone, 2006, p. 1041). For instance, how a young person's culture or social class feels about education, whether it is highly or minimally valued, strongly affects that person's attitude toward learning and their performance in a school setting. In this way, Barone (2006) states that,

Cultural capital is considered the main determinant of a school's success. Students' performance is not evaluated according to (class) neutral standards. On the contrary, pedagogical practices and assessment procedures are related, to a significant extent, to the culture of the upper class (p. 1041).

CCT argues that these entrenched cultural habits, rather than monetary resources, can largely explain why the affluent continue to attend prestigious schools and obtain high-paying jobs while the working class continue to attain minimal education levels and earn low-wage jobs. However, many academics and sociologists argue against this theory, pointing out that cultural identities are in a state of continuous flux rather than in a state of stagnation. Moreover, they argue that human capital or economic means more heavily influences cultural capital and education achievement (Barone, 2006, p. 1042).

What Cultural Capital Can Buy

Different stratagems of society value different activities, possessions, abilities, or lifestyles. Silva (2006) writes that, according to Bourdieu, it is the rich who decide which cultural values are legitimate and which ones are common. Art, theater, opera, and cuisine are cultivated by the affluent; the mainstream bourgeoisie mimic the rich and invest their resources in developing high tastes, luxury goods, and a pretentious attitude. The poor, according to Bourdieu, make little distinction between life's necessities and cultural desires interweaving the two areas (cited in Silva, 2006, p. 1174). Whether it is due to economic necessities or cultural values, the poor or working class are less likely than the others to invest in education. Working class individuals who do strike out on their own to obtain an education with the goal of bettering their situation in life often express feelings of loneliness or of not fitting in with their college-going peers. Moreover, some admit to feeling shunned or spurned by those in their local community and even by family members who see their actions as a putdown (p. 1181). Though many sociologists recognize the validity of some of Bourdieu's observations, they argue that some of his arguments and conclusions are too simple. Not only are class structures more porous than his theories contend, but also individualism and other factors influence cultural tastes, educational pursuits, and occupational goals (p. 1183).

Race & Cultural Capital

Since the history books are written by the predominantly white, rich, and powerful class, they have had the privilege of deciding which type of capital culture has value. By ignoring or disregarding the cultural capital of minorities, the power-holders have been able to discount the cultural capital of others. In the school setting, for instance, minority children are taught to embrace the cultural capital of white, mainstream society. In this way, children learn to hold the mainstream culture in higher esteem than their own, which is viewed as somehow inferior (Yosso, 2005, p. 76). Students of color who lack knowledge of mainstream, white cultural capital are viewed as socially deficient though this same attitude is not applied to mainstream whites who are unfamiliar with the cultural capital of different minority groups. Minority students are pitied or looked down on for lacking this knowledge and it is assumed they must embrace white cultural capital if they are to be successful in educational endeavors. Yosso (2005) argues, "In education, Bourdieu's work has often been called upon to explain why Students of Color do not succeed at the same rate as Whites. According to Bourdieu, cultural capital refers to an accumulation of cultural knowledge, skills and abilities possessed and inherited by privileged groups in society" (p. 77). Of course, students of color do bring their own set of skills and knowledge to school and society at large but because white, middle-class society does not value these skill sets, they dismiss them, often taking the position that such populations simply lack knowledge.

Further Insights

Examples from Elementary School

Even among the youngest of students, the importance of cultural capital can be seen in the classroom. Minority, low-income students are at a disadvantage in the classroom even at this level. Parents who are uneducated tend to be less involved in their children's schools, often lacking the knowledge or cultural capital that tells educated parents to get more involved. Uneducated parents often focus less on their children's homework, extracurricular activities, parent-teacher conferences, and other activities, because they do not recognize their importance (Jung-Sook & Bowen, 2006, p. 194). In addition, minority parents tend not to associate with other parents at their children's school, so there are fewer networking and out-of-school socialization opportunities. Uneducated parents may feel that since they did not take school seriously they are not entitled to push their children in school. In this way, they may feel that they do not have the competence or skills to help their children with their homework or school projects (p. 197). Since this group tends to have lower expectations of their children's performance at school, they do not as closely monitor their children's TV or play time when compared to time for homework or reading. The cultural capital of middle-class families encourages parents to structure their children's free time to include school-related activities as well as recreation (p. 204).

Examples from the High School Level: Students Chasing Cultural Capital in Los Angeles

In the Los Angeles, middle-class families go to great lengths in order to gain cultural capital. More so than many other large cities, sought-after destinations are dispersed across the vast sprawling county rather than located in one or two cultural hubs. Pair this fact with the city's notoriously congested freeways, and it is not uncommon for Los Angeles residents to commute an hour here and forty minutes there in order to reach their target destination. For many middle-class Los Angeles families, Montgomery (2006) says, "Children reside in one neighborhood, attend schools in another area, and play in parks distant from their homes. For these children and their parents, the 'daily round' of activities that infuse places with meaning and value span segregated residential areas" (p. 425).

A city known for its diverse population, it is not uncommon for minority parents with some means to send their children to a magnet, charter, or private school with a predominantly white population on the other end of town. Though such parents may lament having to go to such lengths to provide better educational opportunities for their children, for the cultural capital gained, many feel it is worth the price (p. 426). More than school, parents of means aim to have their children socialize and play in structured, culturally beneficial manners. While low-income youth have few options but to hang out in neighborhood community centers, parks, or on the corner, those with means have more options and choose to exercise them. Instead of spending time with others in the same, lower-positioned class, those who who are able choose to attend organized and more cultured social events to give their children greater chances of upward social mobility. This type of socialization often involves minority youth associating themselves with white or more mainstreamed peers. Many African American middle-class young people adopt and develop "dual socializations": one for mainstreaming into society and one for keeping a sense of their urban roots (p. 429).

Selective Flight

In cities such as Chicago, Detroit, and Philadelphia, the term 'white flight' referred to white affluent populations migrating in droves to the suburbs, geographically distancing themselves from urban neighborhoods. In Los Angeles the term "selective flight" better fits. Selective flight may be applied to a Hispanic or African American family who resides in a neighborhood of people of their own race for reasons of comfort or familiarity, but who urge their children to socialize in distant, more affluent communities for the benefits such socialization may provide. Such parents may begin to actively put up barriers or hindrances to prevent their children from hanging around in the neighborhood, such as scheduling activities that take place in the other side of town (Montgomery, 2006, p. 437). The term selective flight can also be applied to affluent white families who send their children to exclusive private schools because too many low-income minority students are being bused in or somehow transferred in to their otherwise middle-class, affluent, localized public school (p. 439).

Examples of Cultural Capital in Immigrant Communities

The United States has long been a nation of immigrants whereby new arrivals and their children, over time, develop the language, skills, and cultural norms of their new homeland. Though each immigrant's story varies, the typical immigrant story begins with the parents or new arrivals taking on hard, labor-intensive, low-skill jobs in order to give better educational and employment opportunities to their children (Perreira, Harris, & Lee, 2006, p. 512). However, when the children of immigrants do not complete high school, thereby failing to reach contemporary standards of educational attainment, this population can end up almost as disadvantaged as their immigrant parents. Many theories of immigration assimilation exist. Some argue that the cultural differences between immigrant groups and native populations diminish over time. Others argue that over time, an immigrant's roots become even more significant, heavily influencing attitudes toward education such as completing high school or attending college (p. 516).

Looking closely at high school drop-out rates between immigrant and native student populations, the ethnic-racial makeup of the immigrant group in question must be considered. For instance, Asian immigrants are far less likely to drop out of high school than Hispanic immigrants. First generation immigrants do typically attain higher educational goals than their parents, but the trend then stagnates. For many Hispanic immigrants, whether or not they work has a significant effect on whether they drop out or graduate from school. The values (or cultural capital) placed on work may therefore be a factor in achieving educational goals. Surprisingly, analyzing Asian immigrant students, those of disadvantaged economic means are less likely than their wealthier counterparts to drop out of school. This trend indicates that this group's cultural capital places a high value on education (Perreira, Harris, & Lee, 2006, p. 522).

Cultural Capital & Higher Education

Though much has been done through federal policy and legislation to make higher education more accessible for low-income, minority, and other historically underrepresented populations, these groups still face many barriers to obtaining a college education. In 2001, the National Center for Education Statistics found that "hundreds of thousands of low-income, college-prepared students are left behind each year, unable to go to four-year colleges because they cannot afford to attend" (John, 2006, p. 1604). Research in the fields of sociology and education has shown that parents' education levels and occupations have a significant impact on the educational attainments of their children. That is, students are more likely to attend college if their parents are college educated. Such a background gives the student greater exposure to the higher education experience and career opportunities, thus giving them greater cultural capital (p. 1606). Moreover, students whose parents lack a college education have many misunderstandings about how to pay for college. Minority, low-income students may assume that they cannot afford college or have great misconceptions on how financial aid, government grants, scholarships, and loans for college work. Because they do not have this cultural capital, they often lack the resources or know-how to obtain accurate information about financing a college education (p. 1613). Some minority students such as Latinos put a strong emphasis on values such as work, location, and family. These students want to make sure the college is near home so they could still reside with their families and work nearby. Their set of values makes choosing a community college a more popular option (p. 1615).

Viewpoints

When Cultural Capital both Defies & Complies with Traditional Norms

Klein (2005) asks what happens in society when a particular trait both earns and loses cultural capital in mainstream society. Looking at masculinity and its ever-changing role, one sees how macho attitudes, competitiveness, and violence is both rewarded and spurned in contemporary American high schools. Males who outwardly display high levels of masculinity, strength, dominance, and toughness gain high cultural capital within the strata of high school hierarchy. Males who lack these characteristics and instead display weakness, indecisiveness, frailty, and more feminine traits tend to be less popular. These students receive less social rewards and less clout than their more masculine peers. As a result, some males from this group will become outcasts, isolating themselves from the more popular groups, who may mock or tease them. These outcasts may adopt what they see as hyper or idealized masculine values and turn to violence to directly or indirectly increase their clout or cultural capital. Ironically, these ostracized males adopt the hyper-masculine behaviors that once eluded them. Klein (2005) says, "boys who have difficulty acquiring traditional masculinity status may act out against conventional masculinity role models—jocks and preps—using typical masculinity signifiers (i.e., violence) to demonstrate an alternative and more accessible form of masculinity" (p. 60).

The outcasts who commit school shootings have later expressed feelings of deep resentment toward athletes and others with highly ranked cultural capital. These males take idealized masculinity in the form of extreme violence in order to seek their revenge. While school shootings resulting in death are met with outrage, other acts of violence acted out by overly aggressive males, such as on the football field, are met with social affirmation. Through the media and athletics, society demonstrates an ambivalent view of violence and overly macho attitudes. Serious violent offenders are penalized by the criminal justice system, while aggressive, hard-edged behavior is rewarded in sports and other social situations. As a result, some young men see any kind of violence as a way to increase or maintain their status (p. 56).

Terms & Concepts

Assimilation: Assimilation refers to the process by which immigrants of different ethnicities and cultures acquire the social and psychological characteristics of a mainstream group.

Cultural Capital: Cultural capital refers to family background and commitment to education that contributes to an individual's or group's position in society and achievement in education. It questions what constitutes valued knowledge in contemporary society, suggesting that powerful groups determine what counts. Following this concept, some students (for example, those advantaged by higher social status) are more able to acquire knowledge because of cultural advantages they bring to education based on class, race, or gender (http://www.learnnc.org/glossary/cultural+capital).

Dual Socializations: Dual socialization (also called "biculturalism") occurs when minority students become acquainted with two different cultural behaviors so that they can be successful in different cultural environments. For instance, an African American youth may adopt and demonstrate one set of behaviors and characteristics while attending a predominantly white school and demonstrate more culturally specific characteristics while at home around other African Americans (Hale, 1986, p. 188).

Habitus: Somewhat difficult to define, habitus refers to the cumulative habits, behaviors, ideals, values, and tastes a group develops. Overtime, habitus becomes second nature or assumed traits of a particular group.

Legitimate: In regard to cultural capital, the term legitimate is used to refer to cultural activities or interests that are deemed of high value by upper-class society. For instance, fine art is regarded as legitimate culture because it is represented in established institutions such as museums.

Outcast: An outcast is someone who is shunned by society, either through official or unofficial channels. In an educational setting, an outcast may be a student who lacks cultural capital and does not belong to popular groups.

Privilege: Privilege is a special advantage, right, or benefit granted to or enjoyed by an individual or class.

Selective Flight: Selective flight occurs when a racial or ethnic group selectively associates with similar or dissimilar racial groups depending on the situation or circumstance.

Social Status: Social status is the honor or prestige attached to one's position in society. It is influenced by one's profession, occupation, family name, wealth, and other factors.

White Flight: The term white flight refers to the relocation of middle-class whites from neighborhoods undergoing racial integration.

Bibliography

Barone, C. (2006). Cultural capital, ambition and the explanation of inequalities in learning outcomes: A comparative analysis. Sociology, 40, 1039–1058.

Hale, J. E. (1986). Black children: Their roots, culture, and learning styles. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

John, E. P. (2006).Contending with financial inequality: Rethinking the contributions of qualitative research to the policy discourse on college access. American Behavioral Scientist, 49, 1604–1620.

Jung-Sook, L., & Bowen, N. K. (2006). Parent involvement, cultural capital, and the achievement gap among elementary school children. American Educational Research Journal, 43, 193–218.

King, A. (2005). Structure and agency. In A. Harrington (ed.), Modern social theory: An introduction. (pp. 215–232). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

Klein, J. (2006). Cultural capital and high school bullies: How social inequality impacts school violence. Men and Masculinities, 9, 53–75.

Montgomery, A. F. (2006). Living in each other's pockets: The navigation of social distances by middle class families in Los Angeles. City & Community, 5, 424–450. Retrieved September 16, 2007 from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Premier. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=23017794&site=ehost-live

Paino, M., & Renzulli, L. A. (2013). Digital dimension of cultural capital: The (in)visible advantages for students who exhibit computer skills. Sociology of Education, 86, 124–138. Retrieved December 18, 2013 from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=86692793

Perreira, K. M., Harris, M. K., & Lee, D. (2006). Making it in America: High school completion by immigrant and native youth. Demography, 43, 511–533.

Silva, E. B. (2006). Homologies of social space and elective affinities: Researching cultural capital. Sociology, 40, 1171–1189.

Sommerfeld, A. K., & Bowen, P. (2013). Fostering social and cultural capital in urban youth: A programmatic approach to promoting college success. Journal of Education, 193, 47–55. Retrieved December 18, 2013 from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=88398053

Stephan, J. L. (2013). Social capital and the college enrollment process: How can a school program make a difference? Teachers College Record, 115, 1–39. Retrieved December 18, 2013 from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=87024878

Yosso, T. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community cultural wealth. Race, Ethnicity & Education, 8, 69–91. Retrieved September 21, 2007 from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=16295806&site=ehost-live

Suggested Reading

Björk, L. G., Lewis, W. D., Browne-Ferrigno, T., & Donkor, A. (2012). Building social, human, and cultural capital through parental involvement. Journal of School Public Relations, 33, 237–256. Retrieved December 18, 2013 from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=85782847

Bourdieu, P. (1987). Distinction: A social critique of the judgement of taste. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Dixon-Román, E. J. (2013). The forms of capital and the developed achievement of black males. Urban Education, 48, 828–862. Retrieved December 18, 2013 from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=90413007

Jerelyne, C. W. (2006). The Brackenridge colored school: A legacy of empowerment through agency and cultural capital inside an African American community. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse.

Jun, X., & Hampden-Thompson, G. (2012). Cultural reproduction, cultural mobility, cultural resources, or trivial effect? A comparative approach to cultural capital and educational performance. Comparative Education Review, 56, 98–124. Retrieved December 18, 2013 from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=70196916

Vogel, T. (2004). Rewriting white: Race, class, and cultural capital in nineteenth-century America. Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press.