Identity Politics in Education

This paper takes a closer look at identity politics in the educational arena. Reviewing two major social issues, homosexuality and illegal immigration, as a backdrop, the reader gleans a better understanding of the conditions that give rise to school-based activism on behalf of those who lack a voice.

Keywords GLBT; Identity Politics; Illegal Immigrant; In-state Tuition; Plyer v. Doe; Public School

Overview

The SNCC: An example of Identity Politics

In 1960, an organization formed that would make an indelible mark on American society. In the face of a segregated South, the nation already had several prominent anti-segregation and civil rights organizations. Among them were the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), which had scored a major litigation victory with the Supreme Court ruling on Brown v. Board of Education, and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), which was led by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and formed after Rosa Parks' historic act of civil disobedience. However, whereas the NAACP's preferred venue was the courtroom and the SCLC was adept at high-profile protests, another group worked on a much broader scale. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) targeted multiple communities in multiple states at one time, organizing protests, fostering black electoral races and even generating international attention to the issues facing southern America. In only its first few years, the SNCC had grown into an extensive, formidable nationwide network. Former President Jimmy Carter once cited the difference between the SNCC and SCLC's tactics and rate of success. "If you wanted to scare white people in southwest Georgia, Martin Luther King and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference wouldn't do it," he said. "All you had to say is one word: SNCC" (Bond, 2000).

What is one of the most interesting points about the SNCC's success are the organization's origins. The group was not founded by prominent civil rights activists, politicians or celebrities. Rather, the SNCC's foundation occurred shortly after a series of sit-in protests conducted by students enrolled in North Carolina and Tennessee. Theirs was a single-minded purpose - to highlight the injustices of segregation not by legal means or grand protest venues, but at their local stores and restaurants and finding roots in their schools. For too long, the SNCC's founders professed, the laws of segregation kept down people of color, creating two unequal playing fields and thus preventing any real social growth. The SNCC was founded inside academic walls - a dynamic example of what is known as "identity politics."

Identity politics was hardly a new concept in 1960. The academic arena, after all, gave air to countless social issues across the globe, including slavery, religious freedom, class disparity and women's suffrage. Academia and identity politics seem closely linked, likely due to the fact that school is not an environment in which people are told how to think - they are simply encouraged to think for themselves.

This paper takes a closer look at identity politics in the educational arena. Reviewing two major social issues, homosexuality and illegal immigration, as a backdrop, the reader gleans a better understanding of the conditions that give rise to school-based activism on behalf of those who lack a voice.

Identity

Wherever there has been "somebody" in society, there is always "somebody else," an individual or group who operates at a higher, lower or equal sociological level. The fundamental goal of "diversity" movements is to create an environment in which each of these "somebodies," regardless of race, economic status, gender, ethnicity, creed or orientation, coexist on an equal plane.

Unfortunately, however, such a "perfect world" environment is extremely rare, for humanity has a tendency to organize its social systems in hierarchical fashion. In some cases, majority rules - groups who outnumber others hold the higher positions in society. In others, socio-economics is a major factor - those who are more financially solvent hold more clout than those with little money. Even those who rest on the same plane but who represent different groupings often hold fast as a single segment of the population rather than mix in with others on that plane. Humanity, one can argue, is not necessarily a "melting pot," but rather a "tossed salad."

The basic theme of "diversity," that different samplings of the population live and work together with mutual respect, can still be achieved in this environment. A CEO of a major multinational corporation and a pizza delivery person may operate on a different economic plane, for example, but both play an important role as part of a larger body politic and economy. It is when the CEO uses his or her social standing or income bracket to prevent the pizza delivery person from moving upward that marginalization and conflict arise. Prejudice, racism, ethnocentrism and chauvinism are all factors that isolate other groups and, if economic and/or political power is held by those who espouse these attitudes, can create interclass conflict.

Cohesion

Given the multitude of social groupings that exist on varying economic class levels in each country, it comes as no surprise that, rather than "blend in," most of these individual groups hold on to their identity. A study in Great Britain analyzed the aftermath of ethnic and racial violence in that country's northern regions. Investigators in that situation recommended afterward not that the Caribbean and Asian combatants in those incidents find a way to integrate under the Union Jack. Rather, they concluded, it was necessary for them to find a way to coexist. What was once a policy of "integration" transformed into a new way of unifying ethnicities: Cohesion (Shukra, 2004).

In academia, the notion of cohesion rather than integration seems prevalent as well. Educational institutions, which are microcosms of any society, seem to naturally compartmentalize much as the rest of the culture does. And, as is the case in overall human society, it is when power is exerted to isolate, marginalize or intimidate lower-class or minority groups that conflict occurs. In some ways, as was the case in the South, the degree to which differentiation occurs necessitates a strong response from the marginalized group - some act through litigation, others demonstrate civil disobedience and protests. In other situations, however, the exertion and/or acceptance of identity may be manifest more subtly in the form of awareness campaigns and educational programming.

It should be no surprise, therefore, that identity politics, which can be defined as political activity that is used to advance disenfranchised groups and highlights the experiences of these segments of the population, is so closely linked to the world of academia (Hayes, 2007). After all, these institutions, as stated earlier, are themselves microcosms of the "tossed salad" of society, yet also contain the will to appreciate the diversity this motif creates. In doing so, academics will likely develop an interest in highlighting the plight of disadvantaged social groups.

Coming Out in a Scholastic Setting

Among the most salient of social issues facing the United States today is the increased call for tolerance toward gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) individuals. The work toward equality is of ongoing concern. LGBT youths face their own challenges regarding their identity and perception among their peers and adults it their lives. In early 2007, for example, one student's written call for tolerance of homosexuals not only echoed the rest of the nation's divided attitudes on the subject of being gay in 21st century America; it set off a political firestorm over the right to free speech and freedom of the press.

The incident in question was an op-ed piece written by a sophomore student at a Midwestern high school. She opined that for one to accept his or her homosexual orientation (and allow others to know about it) must be challenging in society. The teacher who oversaw the student paper in which the story was run was immediately warned by the school principal not to allow "contentious" materials to appear in the publication. Not long after the story was printed, the teacher was suspended. The students who served on the paper's staff came quickly to her defense - a few months later, the teacher was reinstated, only after a lawsuit was threatened and after she agreed that she would not advise another student paper in that district (Garcia, 2007).

As the diverse populations of school systems are often microcosms of society, it only follows suit that anti-discrimination laws that apply in the United States are applicable within school walls. Since schools are part of our nation (perhaps the most critical of society's components), one would assume that there be no question about applying the myriad of anti-discrimination laws in educational institutions. Then again, the notion that "all men are created equal" was conveniently modified to exclude certain racial groups until the mid-20th century. Similarly, the idea that gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender students should be treated equally by their peers and certainly by administrative personnel also seems a given in this modern era, and yet such discrimination persists. In New Jersey, where anti-discrimination laws are in place to protect gay men and women in the workplace, their enforcement in the public school system was not a foregone conclusion. A lawsuit that went before the state Supreme Court in 2007 alleged that LGBT students were not being protected under these laws. That Court agreed with the plaintiffs, asserting that more needed to be done to protect gay students as is the case in places of business (Kelley, 2007).

The Role of the Church

Even one of the most conservative institutions, the Catholic church, has had to accept homosexuality as part of student life. Despite decades of speaking out against the "sin" of the gay lifestyle, the church, which operates countless educational institutions throughout the world, has had to acknowledge that just as there are heterosexual students exploring their sexual orientations as part of adolescent development, there are also gay and lesbian students coming to grips with their own orientations. The Church has therefore placed itself (due to its willingness to accept any student willing to learn) in a difficult position, cautioning against homosexual activity but insisting that students be given equal protection under the laws of the United States. American Catholic leaders have taken a significant step to distance themselves from the Vatican's more conservative ways. The election of Pope Francis in 2013, however, brought a slightly more sympathetic perspective to the Catholic Church. The pope indicated that he believed homosexual people should be treated with respect and that their spiritual needs should be met. In the United States, bishops argue, gay students are prevalent and should be given equal treatment:

Educationally, homosexuality cannot and ought not to be skirted or ignored. The topic must be faced in all objectivity by the pupil and the educator when the case presents itself. First and foremost, we support modeling and teaching respect for every human person, regardless of sexual orientation (Maher, 2007).

In this case, the major issue of equal rights for gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender students was addressed not by political leaders or even the Judiciary - rather, it is being addressed by institutions of faith, removing limitations on the growth and development of gay youth.

The New Kid on the Block

In late 2007, the Governor of the State of New York, Elliot Spitzer introduced a measure that would allow illegal immigrants to obtain legal US driver's licenses. When faced with an overwhelming 70 percent voter disapproval of the measure, Spitzer abandoned his bill. However, he said, his effort to pass this bill was part of a larger plan to document previously undocumented aliens living in his state. The federal government, he said, had "lost control" on immigration policies in this country, and states were therefore left to deal with the consequences in their own individual ways (Associated Press, 2007).

Indeed, the "battle" to protect the borders of the United States from illegal immigrant infiltration, particularly in this era of high demand for tight security, has created a firestorm of calls for hard-line immigration reform. Federal law explicitly states that illegal immigrants cannot receive most forms of assistance (such as welfare, Social Security and food stamps). However, the notion (however valid or invalid) that an undocumented alien could be receiving some benefit that is normally reserved for a legal resident has added fuel to an already volatile political issue.

Education & Illegal Immigrants

In education, the question of whether the children of undocumented immigrants (or the immigrants themselves) should be allowed to enroll in public schools was actually answered by the US Supreme Court. In 1982, that august body ruled that US public schools have a responsibility to teach all children who wish to learn, and that their immigration status was irrelevant. Plyer v. Doe, as the case was named, became a landmark in an ongoing, highly charged political debate over immigrant rights.

Still, with pro- and anti-immigration camps continuing to lock horns over this issue, the hard and fast ruling in Plyer, which has been consistently upheld in the two decades that followed, hardly answered the question of the rights of certain students. While that decision empowered and protected children from discrimination within public schools, the battle rages on over other education-based rights and privileges.

In-state Tuition

One such arena is that of in-state tuition for state colleges and universities. Public colleges and universities commonly offer tuition at far lower rates for state residents than those who come from other states. However, when undocumented residents take advantage of such benefits (although they did not proceed through the public school system of that state), the perception is that they are enjoying the same lower tuition costs that legal residents of the state do, and that they are given a significant advantage over out-of-state, legal American students. As of 2013, fifteen states offer tuition benefits to undocumented immigrants, although all fifty states have at some point considered such a change to the law.

On one side of the issue, proponents argue that the high number of public school dropouts, particularly among children of illegal immigrants, represents a drain on a state's workforce development. If students enter a state's higher public education system, they are likely to receive better training and contribute more to the economy. Opponents, however, counter that public colleges and universities already lose revenues when they offer in-state tuition to residents, and this loss is offset by out-of-state residents' tuition. Adding undocumented immigrants to the rolls will increase that loss during a time when state budgets are extremely austere (National Conference of State Legislatures, 2007).

The question of whether undocumented immigrants and their families are eligible to receive public educations in the United States has been answered. However, as the hot-button issue of illegal immigration rages on, and relevant reforms to the current laws are being offered and debated, immigrant students who have been empowered by Plyer remain in the center of a political crossfire.

Conclusions

In 1998, a young Mexican immigrant and her family moved to Omaha, Nebraska in the hopes of pursuing the American dream. She became an American citizen a short time later, but still teaches the importance of the family's Mexican heritage to her children. In fact, she has had a hard time doing what this country's mythical heritage has promoted - joining into the "melting pot" in the vein suggested by that iconic Latin phrase: E Pluribus Unum ("from many, one"). Rather, she resists giving up her cultural identity, saying, "When my skin turns white and my hair turns blonde, then I'll be an American" (Branigin, 1998).

Indeed, modern American society more resembles a "tossed salad" than a melting pot. For those who reside in this country, which is comprised people of all races, creeds, ethnicities and sexual orientations, identity is one of the most critical components of their way of life. In just the last century of this nation's modern history, however, there have been trends and attitudes in which not all of these sects are considered worthy of equal treatment under the law and within the framework of the Constitution.

In many ways, the plight of homosexuals, bisexuals and transsexuals is reflective of a similar struggle by black men and women in America through the 1960s. There is still a large contingent of individuals who, based on an interpretation of religious texts or simply reflective of discomfort from different lifestyles, view non-heterosexual orientations as "deviant" and therefore worthy of discrimination.

Immigrants, both legal and illegal, have also found themselves the target of discrimination in modern American society. Perhaps exacerbated by the horrific events of September 11, 2001, resident Americans have become increasingly viewed as detrimental to the budgets of federal, state and local governmental institutions and, to some, risky to the security of this nation.

While LGBT Americans and immigrants are, according to constitutional interpretation and in most state and federal laws, afforded the same basic rights and privileges as other American citizens, in reality, there are situations in which inequities and discrimination exist without intervention. These groups' identities continue to be marginalized, placed beneath other social groups on an arbitrarily-created hierarchical scheme.

Interestingly, quite often, the "battleground" in which an effort to address these inequities takes place is in a microcosm of society: Public schools. While they should be protected, so-called minority groups remain marginalized as part of a wider political issue. In the case of the plight of gay students, the idea of exploring a young person's burgeoning sexual orientation is abhorrent to some, and as a result, many choose to repress their identities. The children of illegal immigrants also keep their status a secret out of fear of reprisal from the so-called "majority."

Identity politics in the American educational system remains a salient issue, worthy of continued study. A time-honored tradition established in the US Constitution maintains, in no uncertain terms, that no individual shall be denied his or her basic human rights. Schools, as evident by the fact that Plyer v. Doe has yet to be challenged, are simple places of learning, not subject to the political forces that have polarized the American public on these issues. As many scholars, educators and even politicians themselves state, schools should not deny any student of his or her right to an equitable education. The battle over such issues must therefore be waged elsewhere as individual students, regardless of their social identity, continue to develop their minds in the classroom.

Terms & Concepts

LGBT: Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transexual.

Identity Politics: Political activity that is used to advance disenfranchised groups and highlights the experiences of these segments of the population.

Illegal Immigrant: Individual who enters a country without the required visa, identification or other form of authorization.

In-state Tuition: Discounted state college tuition rate based on state residency.

Plyer v. Doe: Landmark 1982 Supreme Court decision in which access to public school systems by children of illegal immigrants was granted.

Public School: Educational institution supported by federal, state and locally-generated funds and presenting students with a government-approved curriculum.

Bibliography

Águila, J. R. (2013). The politics of immigration and national identity. Aztlan, 38, 125–130. Retrieved December 10, 2013 from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=90425021

Associated Press. (2007, November 14). Spitzer to drop immigrant N.Y. license plan. Retrieved November 14, 2007 from msnbc.com. http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21782197/.

Bond, J. (2000). SNCC: What we did - Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. Monthly Review, 52 . Retrieved November 12, 2007, from http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1132/is_5_52/ai_66937932/pg_1.

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Garcia, M. (2007, June 19). Better seen and not heard? The Advocate, 987, 34-36.

Hayes, C. (2007, November 2). Identity politics. Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. Retrieved November 12, 2007, from http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/identity-politics/.

Kelley, T. (2007, February 22). Court rules that schools in New Jersey must take steps to stop harassment of gay students. New York Times, 156 (53863), B5.

Maher, M. (2007). Gay and lesbian students in Catholic high schools: A qualitative study of alumni narratives. Catholic Education: A Journal of Inquiry and Practice, 10 , 449-472. Retrieved November 13, 2007, from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=25302092&site=ehost-live

National Conference of State Legislatures. (2007). College tuition and undocumented immigrants. Retrieved November 14, 2007, from http://www.ncsl.org/programs/educ/undocimmigrant.htm.

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Sherman, R., & Ibarra, H. (2013). Being here, but not here. Phi Delta Kappan, 94, 39–41. Retrieved December 10, 2013 from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=86025481

Shukra, K., Back, L., Keith, M., Khan, A. & Solomos, J. (2004). Race, social cohesion and the changing politics of citizenship. London Review of Education, 2 , 187-195. Retrieved November 12, 2007, from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=15740804&site=ehost-live

Svirsky, M., & Mor-Sommerfeld, A. (2012). Interculturalism and the pendulum of identity. Intercultural Education, 23, 513–525. Retrieved December 10, 2013 from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=83561628

Suggested Reading

Addison, N. (2007). Identity politics and the queering of art education. International Journal of Art and Design Education, 26 , 10-20. Retrieved November 14, 2007, from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=23750267&site=ehost-live

Jones, P. (2006). Toleration, recognition and identity. Journal of Political Philosophy, 14 , 123-143. Retrieved November 14, 2007, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=20439390&site=ehost-live

Mains, S. (2000). An anatomy of race and immigration politics in California. Social and Cultural Geography, 1 , 143-154. Retrieved November 14, 2007, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=3990946&site=ehost-live

McCowan, T. (2012). Human rights within education: Assessing the justifications. Cambridge Journal Of Education, 42, 67–81. Retrieved December 10, 2013 from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=71860859

Szkudlarek, T. (2011). Semiotics of identity: Politics and education. Studies In Philosophy & Education, 30, 113–25. Retrieved December 10, 2013 from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=59341389

Essay by Michael P. Auerbach, M.A.

Michael P. Auerbach holds a bachelor's degree from Wittenberg University and a master's degree from Boston College. Mr. Auerbach has extensive private and public sector experience in a wide range of arenas: political science, business and economic development, tax policy, international development, defense, public administration and tourism.