Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Gender

As economics becomes more globalized, the issue of gender roles remains central to the understanding political and economic evolution. IN order to understand cross-cultural differences related to gender, it is important that appropriate research instruments be developed. These research methodologies will support social scientists in the task of better understanding the nature, place, and contribution of gender roles to culture and society.

Keywords Androgyny; Cross-Cultural; Culture; Ethnicity; Gender; Gender Role; Gender Stereotype; Norms; Psychometrics; Sex; Socialization; Society; Subject; Survey

Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Gender

Sex, Gender & Sexuality > Cross Cultural Perspectives on Gender

Overview

In terms of Western historical tradition, the concept of gender - or the psychological, social, cultural, and behavioral characteristics associated with being female or male – has traditionally been considered unalterably defined by physiology. Males, being the bigger and stronger of the sexes, were taught that they had a biological imperative not only to propagate the species, but to protect it. As a result, boys were taught from an early age to be aggressive, independent, dominant, and achieving. Women, on the other hand, were thought to be limited by their reproductive biology, in particular the constraints placed on them (or believed to be placed on them) by menstruation, pregnancy, childbirth, and lactation. As a result, girls were taught from an early age to be nurturing, sensitive, emotional, and passive. Of course, there have been exceptions to these gender stereotypes throughout history, and many well-known examples of men and women who eschewed accepted gender roles and made their own way in the world. However, such examples were typically looked on as aberrations - exceptions that proved the rule rather than broke it.

Cultural Gender Perspectives

Considerations of gender roles and identity were greatly impacted by the work of Margaret Mead and her research with the native peoples of New Guinea. Her work helped overturn the notion of the biological imperative for gender stereotypes. In the Tchambuli culture of New Guinea, gender roles for women include doing the fishing and manufacturing, as well as controlling the power and economic life of the community. The Tchambuli women also take the lead in initiating sexual relations. On the other hand, Tchambuli men are dependent, flirtatious, and concerned with their appearance, often adorning themselves with flowers and jewelry. In addition, Tchambuli men have a great interest in art, games, and theatrics (Coon, 2001). If gender roles were completely biologically determined, the wide variation between American and Tchambuli gender roles would not be possible, because the physical biology of males is the same in both cultures. In response to the work of Mead and other sociologists, most social scientists reached the conclusion that culture and socialization also play a crucial role in gender role acquisition.

Not all cross-cultural gender role differences are quite as glaring as the comparison between traditional Western culture and the Tchambuli, however. Chuang and Cheng (1994), for example, performed a cross-cultural study to examine differences in gender role attitudes between Chinese and American students. Specifically, the researchers were interested in whether or not these were gender differences in attitudes towards women and gender roles and whether or not they were cultural differences in these attitudes. Subjects in the study came from a predominantly white state university in North Carolina and from the national nniversity in Taiwan. The subjects were given a set of survey instruments (translated into Chinese for the Chinese subjects) that examined attitudes towards women, marital roles, social interaction, male preference (for female subjects only), and expressivity (for male subjects only). Consistent with previous work in this area, the researchers found that all female subjects in both cultures desire to be more equal whereas males desired to continue playing a dominant role in society. The study also found that the Chinese subjects tended to be more conservative than the American subjects and that the Chinese women preferred masculine, dominant males more strongly than did their American counterparts.

Generational & Ethnic Gender Perspectives

International boundaries are not the only parameters that define cultures. Different generations have their own gender cultures as well. To this end, Franco, Sabattini, and Crosby (2004) explore the associations among gender-related ideologies, values, and behaviors and Latino and White families in the United States. Their work examines the correspondence among attitudes, values, and behaviors from two different ethnic groups in order to determine whether or not daughters perceive that their mothers and fathers differ in their gender-based ideology and commitments to gender roles. Subjects were given a survey that asked them to report on their perceptions of their mothers' and fathers' ideologies, values and behaviors. Other standard instruments were used to measure perceived gender role ideology, perceived personal values, perceived commitment to roles, and perceived behaviors of the parents. The results of the study indicated that Latinas were more likely than white respondents to indicate that they believe that their parents had traditional gender roles. Similarly, Latinas also believe that their parents exhibit a more traditional division of household labor. However, Latina participants did not differ significantly from white participants in their perceptions of the amount of time that their mother spent on parenting, although white participants did believe that their father spent more time parenting than did Latino participants.

The Effects of Time on Gender Perspectives

Gender roles also change and evolve within societies. If, as assumed by many theorists, gender role is largely a product of socialization and culture, it would be reasonable to assume that gender roles also will evolve to support these changes. Marini (1990) traces some of the changes between gender roles and the evolution of society from hunter-gatherers to industrialization. Prior to industrialization, the structures of work and family in societies were closely integrated. In such societies, large families were an economic asset because more children meant more workers within the family to plant, cultivate, and harvest. As a result, the reproductive role and productive work of mothers was valued in such societies. However, with the trend toward urbanization, gender roles also shifted. As agricultural productivity improved with greater dependence on tools and animals, women's labor was no longer as necessary for the success of the family farm. As a result, women shifted their focus to other activities, primarily within the home. With the onset of industrialization, institutions outside the family became the centers of productivity and workers left the home for employment. As new labor rights legislation limited the employment of children, they became more dependent on adults as caretakers. Combined with the fact that there was little demand for women's labor outside the home, this led to a greater degree of differentiation of labor within the role, which was absorbed into the gender roles.

Applications

Difficulties in Gathering Data

Gathering data in the social sciences can be a challenging task. This is due in part to the fact that although one can in many cases observe and even quantify data regarding an individual's behavior, knowing only what the end behavior is does not explain why the individual behaves that way. For the most part, social scientists are interested in why behavior occurs so that they can better understand the underlying processes that resulted in that behavior and be better able to explain and predict future behavior. For example, suppose that two people are window-shopping on a lazy summer afternoon and the one person turns to the other asks if s/he would be interested in getting an ice cream. The second person politely demurs, and the two continue their leisurely stroll. As social scientists observing this interaction, all we know for certain is that the second person refused to get an ice cream. What we do not know is why that person refused. We could, for example, interpret this response to mean that the second person was not hungry at that time. However, a host of alternative explanations are also available. The person might not like ice cream, be lactose intolerant, be on a diet, not have sufficient funds on hand to purchase an ice cream cone at that moment, need to go home soon and not have time to enjoy an ice cream cone, be afraid that the mid-afternoon snack might spoil his/her dinner, or be saving money for another purchase that s/he wants more. The list of possible explanations is endless. Therefore, as social scientists, it would be difficult for us to draw any conclusions or make any generalizations based on this single event. Even if we observed the behavior multiple times in similar situations, we still would not know why the person refused to get an ice cream. Although we might be able to predict that the person would refuse to get an ice cream in a similar situation in the future, we would not know why this was true. Therefore, we would not be able to explain the individual's behavior. However, the goal of social science research is not only to predict behavior, but to explain it as well. For this reason, social scientists develop psychometric instruments that attempt to gather data or make measurements of the attitudes, behaviors, and other intangible mental factors that result in the observed behavior.

Gathering psychometric data about people's attitudes and opinions is a more complex task than gathering behavioral data. It is often difficult for us to articulate our own reasons for doing something, a fact that makes developing questions on a psychometric measurement instrument as difficult. Further, attitudes and opinions can be complex. Going back to the example of the ice cream, we might ask the person who refused whether or not s/he likes ice cream on a scale of 1 to 5. However, that question alone might not tell us whether the person only likes some flavors (which that particular ice cream parlor did not carry). Therefore, we would need to think through what we were really trying to ask, and develop a list of questions that the person could answer regarding the extent to which s/he likes ice cream. Further, different people might have different reasons for the same action. For example, although Person A might only like one flavor of ice cream and Person B might only like another. Person C, however, might all flavors of ice cream but not like the mouth feel of the brand sold at that particular store. To understand the whys of the refusal, therefore, we would have to take such layers of thinking into account. If we were performing our research in a cross-cultural situation, we would experience the further complicating factors such as language and cultural norms and expectations. For example, if we asked a person in Palermo whether or not s/he liked ice cream, we might receive a blank stare because in Italy people are more familiar with gelato, a similar frozen dessert. If we asked a New Guinea tribesperson the same question, s/he might have no idea what a frozen dessert in general was, let alone ice cream in particular.

The Importance of Cross-Cultural Research Tools

Gathering cross-cultural information about ice cream, of course, is much less difficult than gathering cross-cultural information about gender roles and stereotypes. Many researchers have written about the problems attendant on the performance of cross-cultural research regarding gender. There are a number of steps that can be taken in order to help design a psychometric instrument that will be useful in all cultures in which it is used. First, psychometric instruments intended to be used in cross-cultural settings should be designed with this in mind. In addition, such instruments need to be tested for reliability (the degree to which a data collection or assessment instrument consistently measures a characteristic or attribute) and validity (the degree to which a survey or other data collection instrument measures what it purports to measure) within all settings that they will be used. As discussed above, one cannot simply assume that a measurement instrumented designed based on the assumptions of one culture will validly collect data within a different cultural setting. To do this, it is important to have the input of someone who understands the culture (and language, if appropriate) well so that concepts can be expressed in such a way that the data truly measure what the researcher is interested in studying. Further, before an existing instrument that has been developed and validated in a single culture is assumed to be valid in another cultural situation, it must be first validated in that situation.

Conclusion

When one has spent one's entire life within a single culture, it is easy to believe that every culture has the same norms and expectations for behavior. This applies not only to the behaviors expected of everyone within a polite society, but also to the gender roles and stereotypes to which the sexes are expected to conform. However, social science research has found that far from being a biological imperative, gender roles and stereotypes are to a great extent a function of socialization and are culturally bound. Further, cross-cultural differences in gender roles are not only defined by international boundaries, but by cultural differences between generations and even ethnicities within a single society. Even within a single culture and generation, social roles can no longer be assumed to be stable: Many researchers have found that gender roles evolve over time, often moving toward more flexibility, adaptability, and androgyny.

Global Gender Knowledge

The cross-cultural aspects of gender roles and stereotypes is much more than an issue for idle contemplation by social scientists, however. There is a practical aspect to this area of study as well. As modern society becomes more and more global in nature and businesses need to learn to survive in cultures around the world, it is important to be able to understand and accommodate the gender role expectations of other societies without losing one's own identity. For example, some Asian countries expect women to be subservient and men to be dominant, and many Muslim counties expect women to wear a hijab and be under the protection of a male. In order to be successful in working with people of such cultures, members of Western societies need to understand these cultural assumptions. This does not necessarily mean that the Western individual needs to change to meet the same assumptions, but they must take them into account. Doing so can be a complex and diplomatic process that can only be successful if the gender role assumptions are known and understood.

The fact that there are differences in gender roles and stereotypes between cultures and that these roles and stereotypes may change over time raises a number of interesting issues. First, what is the purpose of gender roles within a culture? To some extent, gender roles must have originally developed in order to support the biological functions of the sexes and to ensure the continuation of the species. However, as societies evolve from being hunter-gatherers to being agrarian, preindustrial, industrial, and postindustrial, is the evolution of gender roles a necessity for the stability of society? Can a society tolerate multiple gender role paradigms (e.g., traditional male/female breakouts versus postmodern androgynous roles), or is it important for society that subcultures (e.g., ethnicities, religions) support the evolution of gender roles as well? At least within American society, there is still much heterogeneity of gender roles. In some quarters, only the traditional gender roles of nurturing, emotional female and aggressive, dominant male will suffice. In other quarters, however, anything goes and the belief is that each individual should be free to express his/her gender in whatever way the individual feels is appropriate. Social scientists are still pondering these and other questions about gender roles. Before they can be answered, however, much more research needs to be done.

Terms & Concepts

Androgyny: The presence of both feminine and masculine characteristics or traits in one individual.

Cross-Cultural: In the social sciences, cross-cultural refers to any methodological approach or research study that is used to better understand how specific social behaviors are practiced in different cultures.

Culture: A complex system of meaning and behavior that is socially transmitted and that defines a common way of life for a group or society. Culture includes the totality of behavior patterns, arts, beliefs, institutions, and other products of human work and thought of the society or group.

Ethnicity: A social construct used to describe a relatively large group of people that shares a common and distinctive culture such as common history, language, religion, norms, practices, and customs. Although members of an ethnic group may be biologically related, ethnicity is not the same as race.

Gender: Psychological, social, cultural, and behavioral characteristics associated with being female or male. Gender is defined by one's gender identity and learned gender role.

Gender Role: Separate patterns of personality traits, mannerisms, interests, attitudes, and behaviors that are regarded as "male" and "female" by one's culture. Gender role is largely a product of the way in which one was raised and may not be in conformance with one's gender identity.

Gender Stereotype: A culturally defined pattern of expected attitudes and behavior that are considered appropriate for one gender but not the other. Gender stereotypes tend to be simplistic and based not on the characteristics or aptitudes of the individual, but on over generalized perceptions of one gender or the other.

Norms: Standards or patterns of behavior that are accepted as normal within the culture.

Psychometrics: The science and process of mental measurement. The science of psychometrics comprises both the theory of mental measurement as well as the methodology for adequately and accurately capturing and individual's intangible attitude or opinion.

Sex: The biological aspects of being either female or male. Genetically, females are identified by having two X chromosomes and males by having an X and a Y chromosome. In addition, sex can typically be determined from either primary or secondary sexual characteristics. Primary sexual characteristics comprise the female or male reproductive organs (i.e., the vagina, ovaries, and uterus for females and the penis, testes, and scrotum for males). Secondary sexual characteristics comprise the superficial differences between the sexes that occur with puberty (e.g., breast development, hip broadening for women and facial hair and voice deepening for men).

Socialization: The process by which individuals learn to differentiate between what the society regards as acceptable versus unacceptable behavior and act in a manner that is appropriate for the needs of the society.

Society: A distinct group of people who live within the same territory, share a common culture and way of life, and are relatively independent from people outside the group. Society includes systems of social interactions that govern both culture and social organization.

Subject: A participant in a research study or experiment whose responses are observed, recorded, and analyzed.

Survey: (a) A data collection instrument used to acquire information on the opinions, attitudes, or reactions of people; (b) a research study in which members of a selected sample are asked questions concerning their opinions, attitudes, or reactions are gathered using a survey instrument or questionnaire for purposes of scientific analysis; typically the results of this analysis are used to extrapolate the findings from the sample to the underlying population; (c) to conduct a survey on a sample.

Bibliography

Chia, R. C., Moore, J. L., Lam, K. N., Chuang, C. J., & Cheng, B. S. (1994). Cultural differences in gender role attitudes between Chinese and American students. Sex Roles, 31 (1/2), 23-30. Retrieved August 27, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Premier. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9502071334&site=ehost-live

Coon, D. (2001). Introduction to psychology: Gateways to mind and behavior (9th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning.

de Lemus, S., Spears, R., Bukowski, M., Moya, M., & Lupiáñez, J. (2013). Reversing Implicit Gender Stereotype Activation as a Function of Exposure to Traditional Gender Roles. Social Psychology (18649335), 44, 109-116. doi:10.1027/1864-9335/a000140 Retrieved October 31, 2013 from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text:http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=86687968&site=ehost-live

Franco, J.. L., Sabattini, L., & Crosby, F. J. (2004). Anticipating work and family: Exploring the associations among gender-related ideologies, values, and behaviors and Latino and White families in the United States. Journal of Social Issues, 60 , 755-766.

Kehn, A., & Ruthig, J. (2013). Perceptions of Gender Discrimination across Six Decades: The Moderating Roles of Gender and Age. Sex Roles, 69(5/6), 289-296. doi:10.1007/s11199-013-0303-2 Retrieved October 31, 2013 from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text:http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=89599803&site=ehost-live

Marini, M. M. (1990). Sex and gender: What do we know? Sociological Forum, 5 , 95-120. Retrieved August 27, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Premier. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=10797324&site=ehost-live

Szymanowicz, A., & Furnham, A. (2013). Gender and Gender Role Differences in Self- and Other-Estimates of Multiple Intelligences. Journal Of Social Psychology, 153, 399-423. doi:10.1080/00224545.2012.754397 Retrieved October 31, 2013 from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text:http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=87568438&site=ehost-live

Suggested Reading

Gibbons, J. L., Hamby, B. A., & Dennis, W. D. (1997). Researching gender-role ideologies internationally and cross-culturally. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 21 , 151-170. Retrieved August 27, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Premier. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9705251561&site=ehost-live

Harris, A. C. (1994). Ethnicity as a determinant of sex role identity: A replication study of item selection for the Bem Sex Role Inventory. Sex Roles, 31 (3/4), 241-273. Retrieved August 27, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Premier. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9501282045&site=ehost-live

Klos, L. (2013). Is Weighing a 'Woman's Thing?' Associations Among Gender, Gender Role Orientation, and Self-Weighing Behavior. Sex Roles, 69(1/2), 16-28. doi:10.1007/s11199-013-0290-3 Retrieved October 31, 2013 from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text:http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=88785759&site=ehost-live

McHugh, M. C. & Frieze, I. H. (1997). The measurement of gender-role attitudes: A review and commentary. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 21 , 1-16.

O'Neil, J. M. (2013). Gender Role Conflict Research 30 Years Later: An Evidence-Based Diagnostic Schema to Assess Boys and Men in Counseling. Journal Of Counseling & Development, 91, 490-498. doi:10.1002/j.1556-6676.2013.00122.x Retrieved October 31, 2013 from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text:http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=90535087&site=ehost-live

Seguino, S. (2007). Plus ça change? Evidence on global trends in gender norms and stereotypes. Feminist Economics, 13 , 1-28.