Ethnic Nationalism

This article introduces the concept of ethnic nationalism, first by highlighting several countries that have fruitfully adhered to such tenets, along with other regions who have initiated failed attempts. A movie analysis that contrasts nationalism and globalization is included, followed by biological and nonbiological factors that correlate with the human desire to gravitate toward nationalistic ideals. Finally, the tribulations associated with nationalism, such as ethnic genocide, are broached. In particular, Hitler's Nazi regime and the tragedies that transpired in Rwanda throughout the twentieth century are discussed.

Keywords Endogamy; Ethnic Genocides; Exogamy; Genetic Similarity Theory; Integrationist Framework; Jus Sanguini

Race & Ethnicity > Ethnic Nationalism

Overview

Ethnic nationalism is an ideology asserting that groups of people are exclusively endowed with an identification that distinctly relates to the nation in which their ancestors originated. Adherents of this philosophical tenet feel that their birthright affords them the ability to partition distinct governmental dictates that correspond with their political and cultural ideals. They operate under the assumption that territorial rights are based on the biological inheritance that had been transmitted through their blood relations and lineage, and enable them to rightfully inhabit a given geographic region (Chilosi, 2007; Gledhill, 2005; Janis, 2008; Loizides, 2007; Morgan, 2008). Some experts trace the origins of contemporary European nationalism back to the French Revolution (Nationalism Gathers, 2008; Smith, 2008), which launched a global patterned trend toward the regional compartmentalization of common ties and a forged sense of unity.

Patriotism is the conduit for voicing expressions of nationalism, and when tragedy befell the United States on September 11, 2001 (Lukehart, 2002), citizens joined forces in bipartisan allegiance to collectively demonstrate their mutual bond of communal devotion. Nationalism is an inborn bequest that rejects manmade attempts that may tamper with or manipulate its existence. For example, Joan, a Swedish exile who moves to Italy based on her fondness for Italian culture and a desire for reinvention, finds it difficult to fully divorce herself from her Swedish nationalistic ties. Even though Joan falls in love and marries a man while living in Italian precincts, the pedigree that her offspring will claim includes semi-Swedish extractions. Another example of this premise can be epitomized in the following passage:

Attempts at creating nationalistic coalitions have been met with mixed results. The reunification of Germany, after the collapse of the Berlin Wall that separated the western region from its eastern communist counterpart, was established in 1989 (Buckley, 2004; Sims, 2002; Taylor, 2008). The deterioration of the Iron Curtain yielded a successful merge into political and relational solidarity and eradicated the violent and divisive barrier that had prevailed for 28 years. Conversely, toward the close of the Ottoman Empire in 1921, Britain formed the nation of Iraq, which was founded on Mesopotamian soil and suffered tumultuous, war-torn period for much of the century (Kandell, 2003; Rayburn, 2006). In part, such instability rests on the dissonance that has intertwined throughout Iraq's three distinct Islamic factions (i.e., the Sunnis, the Shiites, and the Kurds) who reside on shared terrain, yet are unable to coalesce as a united front (Kifner, 2005; McKiernan, 2006). Moreover, the former Soviet Union underwent uncertainty based on disjointed attempts at initiating cohesion amid distinct constituencies, resulting in the breakup of a collective, communist political regime that encompasses 15 distinct countries (Back to the U.S.S.R., 1996; Petrov, 2008).

Countries such as Japan and Germany uphold a philosophy that directly relates to ethnic nationalism, called "Jus Sanguini," in which citizenship directly corresponds with bloodlines that can be traced back to these respective regions, although Turkish inhabitants who have lived in Germany for several decades, and their children born after January 2000, are being granted residency. The opposite of ethnic nationalism, however, can be understood through cultural pluralism, or the validation of diverse modalities of thought. It behooves countries to uphold unconditional parameters that correspond with cultural pluralism, given that 90%[CCL1] of the world operates through variegated diversification. In Asia, for example, one can point to Indonesia as a region that contains residents from all walks of life, although Japan, on the other hand, remains highly homogenized. Countries renowned for utilizing diplomatic and harmonious tactics amid diversity include Switzerland, Sweden, Canada, and Australia, who advocate on behalf of individualistic expressions of multicultural value structures. In contrast, France employs an integrationist framework, in which all French citizens are legally protected and acknowledged despite their ethnic backgrounds, although they are expected to shed their minority status and assimilate to the culture at large (Cultural Pluralism, 1995).

A Cinematic Illustration

Burgoyne (2000) provides social commentary through a movie analysis of a film titled Before the Rain. In particular, he contrasts dialectical forces that exist internationally ranging between ethnic nationalism and globalization, through the symbolic depictions that are portrayed throughout the movie. In some respects, this differentiation can refer to a battle between "young" and "old" in that the historical, deep-rooted primordial influences imprinted into humanity conflict with the trendier tendency that leans toward multiculturalism, favored by youth culture that has been thrust into a world infiltrated by transnational exposure. Nationalistic inclinations lean in the direction of “blood and belonging” and are passionate, vengeful, existential, and regressive. Globalization, conversely, is progressive, idealistic, and adaptive. A scene in the movie that cross-sections these influences can be seen when Alex Kirkov informs his lover, Anne, that he will flee to Macedonia in order to be reacquainted with his birthplace, and as he departs, the vision of a young girl listening to modern-day rap music is replayed from an earlier scene. At that point, Anne examines a series of pictures that Alex left for her, including portraits of previous events that took place, as well as family members, some of whom are deceased. As Anne sorts through such images, the phone rings and the caller requests to speak to Alex; when asked to identify himself, the caller merely says it is "Macedonia calling." Burgoyne (2000) unravels the collage of imagery through the following interpretation:

Additionally, Burgoyne quotes international theorist Tom Nairn, who describes the irony that exists between globalization and homogenized ethnic communities, such as in the Balkans:

Further Insights

Biological & Nonbiological Elucidation: Charles Darwin

The terminology that people use while reflecting upon impassioned allegiance toward their country of origin includes expressions such as "motherland" and "fatherland," suggesting that a person's native landscape is permanently entrenched in his or her soul, perhaps even genetically. Rushton (2005) launches into his theoretical creation, aptly titled “genetic similarity theory” to illuminate the biological motivations that underlie nationalism. First, he provides a convincing and comprehensive literature review that focuses on the biological, Darwinian reasons why people extend partiality toward those with similar ethnic compositions. Charles Darwin equated human productivity with that which he found in the animal kingdom, and he claimed that all living beings seek to prolong their gene pool via procreation. Darwin argued that the natural world fights viciously on behalf of its young in order to nourish life and maintain genetic longevity, and that this "selfish gene" naturally propagates into subsequent generations. He was perplexed at contrary accounts in which animals demonstrate altruism, or acts of generous self-sacrifice. Logic suggests that while the altruist's charitable generosity is helpful to others, it is counterproductive to the altruist’s own survival — such as with bees, who sting adversaries in the process of protecting their hives, which render their own defense mechanisms useless. Darwin eventually explained altruism through the following statement: "sympathy is directed solely towards members of the same community, and therefore towards known, and more or less loved members, but not all the individuals of the same species" (cited in Rushton, 2005, pp. 492–493).

Darwin's bewilderment surrounding altruism among animals was eventually clarified by a biologist named William Hamilton in the 1960s and 1970s, who coined the term “inclusive fitness” that surpassed the notion of individual fitness. Due to sophisticated strides that had been accomplished within the scientific community throughout the early and mid twentieth century, Hamilton had access to a broader understanding of various concepts — such as the term "genetics," which was conceived in 1905, long after Darwin's era. Hamilton examined the genetic similarity that existed between families, particularly the fact that close family members shared more similar genetic codes with one another, but the farther apart two people resided on their family tree diminished these similarities. For example, on average, immediate family members, such as siblings, share 50% of their genetic makeup, while extended family members such as cousins share 12.5% of their inherited traits. One ensures the survival of one’s genes when one advocates on behalf of one’s self, and when one altruistically fends for the conservation of intimate kinfolk. Certainly, strangers encounter each other on a regular and random basis, and are unable to accurately ascertain how closely affiliated each other's DNA structure is in relation to their own. Yet, people consciously or unconsciously calculate an approximation of other people's genetic inheritance, which dredges up an automatic range of protectiveness and/or endearment that affects their subsequent relations. Hamilton expounded upon the following tools that people employ in order to assess their inherent relationship with others:

• Location or proximity to self as in the rule "if it's in the nest, it's yours';
• Familiarity, which is learning through social interaction;
• Similarity-to-self through imprinting on self, parents or nest mates as in the rule 'look for physical features that are similar to self'…
• 'Recognition alleles' or innate feature detectors that allow detection of genetic similarity in strangers in the absence of any mechanism of learning… (cited in Rushton, 2005, p. 493).

Genetic Similarity Theory

Genetic similarity theory is an extension of that which was set forth by Hamilton (Rushton, 1987; Rushton, 1990; Rushton, 1995; Rushton & Wells, 1995; Rushton, 1998). Rushton (2005) and his colleagues extrapolated beyond the biological predilections that draw people together and substantiated their theory through numerous research findings. The following excerpts validate the fact that, based on similar gene pools, humans gravitate toward like-minded others, which serves to reinforce their own traits. People select spouses and friends who mirror their own values and reflect shared demographics regarding the following characteristics, which operate with 60% frequency: age, ethnicity, and educational attainment. To a lesser degree (i.e., 50%), people flock toward others who share similar opinions and attitudes, followed by cognitive ability (i.e., 40%), and personality and physicality, each of which constitute a 20% prevalence rate. [CCL2]Additional verification on this matter can be demonstrated through twin studies that contrast sets of identical twins, who share 100% of their DNA with their counterparts, against fraternal twins, whose collective gene pool rests at 50%. Identical twins are more inclined to pick similar spouses than fraternal twins, and they uphold lifestyles that enable them to be closer in proximity to each other. Furthermore, identical twins demonstrate more affection, advocate on behalf of each other more ferociously, and grieve the loss of each other more intensely.

Endogamy & Exogamy

Nonbiological concepts that facilitate the explication of nationalism can be found in endogamy and exogamy. Endogamy (Bhatnagar & Agrawal, 2002; Whitmeyer, 1997) is the cultural norm that deters people from marrying outside their demographic milieu and influences people to stay within the confines of the social class, race, and religion that align with their family-of-origin values. Although endogamous pressures ensure that people reside within the bounds of familiarity, exogamy (Melotti, 1980; Tabili, 2005), on the other hand, disallows them from inching too close to the family's inner nucleus. Social taboos and legal decrees forbid incestuous family relations from materializing. In the early 1990s in the United States, for example, Woody Allen was highly ridiculed for marrying the adopted daughter of his ex-girlfriend, Mia Farrow. Both endogamy and exogamy are culturally driven principles. In Pakistan, endogamy is an expected standard while exogamous relations are sanctioned, and in a 2001 study, 25% of Pakistani residents surveyed indicated that they were married to a first cousin or desired to do so and 14% held the same intentions toward their second cousins (Qidwai, Syed, & Khan, 2003). Some of the reasons cited for such interfamilial nuptials included staying within cultural and religious, or maintaining endogamous, ideals. In the U.S., however, an inverse set of expectations is tolerated, in that, according to the 2010 census[CCL3], 5.4 million marriages and 1.2 million unmarried couples comprise mixed-race partners, and Paul and Spencer noted in a December 2008 PLoS biology article that laws exist that restrict cousins from marrying each other in 31 states[CCL4].

Viewpoints

Negative Repercussions of Nationalism

Richmond (1987) cites several etiological factors that contribute toward the manifestation of nationalism, including, but not limited to, modernization and Marxist theories, internal colonialism, and influences related to power/authority. Richmond also incorporated a section fully dedicated toward biosocial factors that account for shared genetic compositions that predispose people toward each other. Although he acknowledges the fact that selfish, aggressive traits are more likely to serve on behalf of self-preservation and therefore survive throughout subsequent generations, he profoundly ponders that such aggression, when taken to extreme measures, is counterproductive to life-sustaining forces. Indeed, this section recognizes the existence of ethnic genocides as a destructive expression of nationalism.

Genocide

Following World War I, Germany faced democracy for the first time, which was an unsettling transition confounded by the economic hardships that corresponded with the Great Depression of the late 1920s and 1930s. These widespread complications made Germany vulnerable to a fascist regime that was presented by a decorated WWI soldier, Adolf Hitler (Toland, 1991), who headed the National Socialist German Workers Party (i.e., Nazi Party). Some speculate that Hitler's emphasis on a "master race" was based on his gross misinterpretation of Nietzsche's Übermensch (Golomb, 2006), or the superlative human being, the "blonde beast" (Marcuse, 2001), which he diametrically distinguished from those of Jewish heritage. It was this belief of radical, ethnic nationalism that contributed toward Hitler's agenda for widespread annihilation of the Jewish race and the horrific and torturous abuse that took place within the concentration camps that killed over six million Jews (War, 2008) and eventually prompted World War II (Ward, 2007).

The large-scale genocide that took place in Rwanda in 1994 is another example of ethnic nationalism and demonstrates the tragic outcome that can come about through territorial possessiveness (Ahluwalia, 1997; Straus, 2007). The discordant nature of Rwanda dates back to several centuries but will be examined along a twentieth-century timeline regarding the factors that led to its culminating detonation in 1994 (Chirot & Seligman, 2001; Rwanda, 2005; Murigande, 2008). When Belgium attacked Rwanda in 1914, the Belgians sought to overturn the hierarchical system that had been set forth between the Hutus and Tutsis for several centuries. Though the goal of the Belgians was to diffuse the chain of command that had been deeply embedded between these two groups, they extended preferential treatment toward the Tutsis. The Tutsis were deemed smarter and more attractive and were allocated educational and career opportunities in spite of the Hutus. Ironically, the power bequeathed to the Tutsis eventually imparted a sense of confidence and resourcefulness that inspired them to fight on behalf of their interdependence from Belgium, which incensed the Belgians, who immediately severed their Tutsi ties and granted a newfound fondness toward the Hutus.

When Rwanda was finally set free from Belgian command in 1962, a conflict-riddled dichotomy was firmly underway in that the Hutus were the ruling majority that assumed governmental control, embittered that they had once sat second class to the Tutsis, who still remained superior in terms of social class and education. Many of the Tutsis fled to surrounding countries, including Uganda, Congo, Tanzania, and Burundi; in 1990, however, they returned to avenge the evacuation that their parents were forced to endure. This, coupled with Rwanda's struggle to maintain a densely populated region and a declining economy that was faltering in the coffee import/export trade that had served as the country’s main source of capital, led to pandemonium. The French feared that the "new" Tutsis were returning to Rwanda bestowed with refined English-speaking skills that threatened to replace French as the dominant language. As such, the French military sent troops to protect and support the Hutus, who executed two small-scale massacres between the years 1990 and 1991. Such violence led to a 1993 peace treaty that sought to invoke an allied relationship between the feuding factions, although the Hutus felt coerced to participate and were therefore lackluster in their involvement. Mounting fears about returning to the marginalization that prevailed at the hands of the Belgians, along with an influx of skilled and culturally refined Tutsis infiltrating the land proliferated feelings of widespread panic and resentment. Gripped with the faulty assumption that France would continue to serve as their allies, the Hutus initiated the sweeping genocide of 1994 but were overthrown by the Rwandese Patriotic Front, led by the Tutsis— a savage bloodshed that killed over 937,000 (Packard, 2004).

Conclusion

When people naively ask, "can't we all just get along," the answer seems to be just as simplistic: "no." Although humanitarian attempts to forge harmony in dueling regions should continue, even if such measures tackle quandaries from a superficial, extrinsic level, it appears as though human nature is not yet able to undertake the hefty responsibility of shared goods and property. One might lightheartedly smile at children's books such as The Sneetches by Dr. Seuss, whose messages about territorial skirmishes and drawn battle lines seem to impart straightforward life lessons to young tots. In reality, adult human beings seem ill equipped to apply rudimentary skills such as sharing and cooperation, possibly because we are not genetically wired to do so — evolutionary strides have not stripped humans of traits like greed and selfishness. Even good-natured events that warrant friendly competition bring about "us vs. them" aggressiveness. For example, there have been several instances where violence and mayhem have broken out at football stadiums on game day, including fights in which competitors have brandished weapons and murdered each other (Upton, 2005). Perhaps when people paint their faces and don jerseys in accordance with their favorite teams, they are tapping into an emotion that runs much deeper than rooting for hometown heroes to win.

Terms & Concepts

Endogamy: The cultural norm that deters people from marrying outside their demographic milieu.

Ethnic Genocide: A destructive expression of nationalism; examples of ethnic genocide within this article include the Holocaust and Rwanda.

Exogamy: A cultural dictate that discourages people from interbreeding.

Genetic Similarity Theory: Examines the biological motivations that underlie nationalism.

Integrationist Framework: A societal structure found in France, in which all French citizens are legally protected and acknowledged despite their ethnic backgrounds, although they are expected to shed their minority status and assimilate to the culture at large.

Jus Sanguini: A societal structure found in Japan and Germany, in which citizenship directly corresponds with bloodlines that can be traced back to these respective regions.

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Suggested Reading

Brown, D. (2011). Ethnic conflict and civic nationalism: A model. In Peacock, J. L., Thornton, P. M., & Inman, P. B. (Eds.), Identity matters: Ethnic and sectarian conflict (chapter 1) [Kindle version]. Retrieved from Amazon.com

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Danforth, L. M. (1995). The Macedonian conflict: Ethnic nationalism in a transnational world. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Moghalu, K. (2005). Rwanda's genocide: The politics of global justice. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.

Smith, A. D. (2010). ‘Ethnic’ and ‘civic’ nationalisms. In Nationalism (2nd ed.). Cambridge, England: Polity Press.