Situational and Symbolic Ethnicity

Situational and symbolic ethnicity provide two ways for people to participate in their ethnic heritage while still maintaining membership in the broader, mainstream culture. Both concepts were originally conceived based on research that examined the descendants of European immigrants, a population that within a few generations becomes hard to distinguish as a distinct ethnic group. A growing body of research that examines realities for the descendants of immigrants from non-European communities indicates that the characteristics of ethnicity are more complex for these populations, although some aspects of situational and symbolic ethnicity still apply. People who claim multiple ethnic heritages are also redefining notions of situational and symbolic ethnicity.

Keywords Ascribed Status; Assimilation; Cultural Practice; Enclosure Model; Ethnic Group; Ethnic Re-Identification; Imagined Communities; Incorporation; Re-Traditionalisation; Situational Ethnicity; Symbolic Ethnicity

Race & Ethnicity > Situational & Symbolic Ethnicity

Overview

In 1897, W. E. B. Du Bois described the tension he felt in his duality. Membership in his race meant uneasiness with membership in his nation: "One ever feels his two-ness — an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder" (in Spickard & Fong, 1995, p. 1379). A study of situational ethnicity points to a way to reconcile those two uneasy parts; when it is possible to move in and out of ethnic identity, as is the case with situational ethnicity, members of many groups have a way to have the richness of an ethnic identity, without alienation from the mainstream society. Symbolic ethnicity is another avenue that helps individuals reconcile membership in more than one group, allowing descendents of immigrants to have a "limited identification with an ethnic group that involves activities such as attending an occasional ethnic fair, cooking ethnic food for holidays or subscribing to a periodical dedicated to an ethnic identity" (Kelly & Nagel, 2002).

European Immigration

Waves of European immigration helped to create a model of assimilation, which predicted that once a population moved out of a culturally isolated situation, ethnic identification quickly faded. This understanding is based on Barth's argument from 1969 that "ethnic groups are not distributions of people to descent categories with different cultural attributes, but are social constructions of differences that are sustained through boundary-making activities of groups that are in social relationship to one another" (in Eschback & Gomez, 1998, p. 74). Especially for white Americans of European descent, ethnic identification is situational and voluntary, with boundaries being crossed repeatedly, including by marriage between groups. Spickard and Fong see the situation in reverse: Barth's definition is very European in its viewpoint, stressing that his outlook on the study of ethnicity is about the boundaries, not the "cultural stuff it encloses" (1995, p. 1378). Their study of Pacific Island Americans lead them to conclude that Barth's classic definition is not applicable to all; this group is inclusive, not about boundaries, but about centers of families, place and culture.

The longer that members of an ethnic group live outside of their native home, the more likely it is that they will become assimilated. According to the "assimilation model," ethnic identification becomes less integral to self-identification with the passage of time. Generally, new immigrants and their children choose to participate in activities that make their ethnic identification quite clear. As this participation decreases through subsequent generations, identification becomes more ambiguous. Some of the factors that encourage assimilation are a decrease in voluntary residential segregation, increasing social ties outside of the ethnic group, acquiring the dominate language and achieving social class mobility (Eschback & Gomez, 1998).

The Enclosure Model

Assimilation is not the only model available for understanding ethnic identity; a related idea is the enclosure model. Like assimilation, this theory considers the role that concentrated ethnic groups in segregated settings plays in ensuring a continued ethnic identity. While assimilation looks at these support structures for new immigrants as a transient phenomena, enclosure sees these supports as a means of continuing and strengthening identity. The competition model takes a different tack; as members of an ethnic group move beyond this structural support, ethnic identity may become more salient as members compete for resources with other groups, or see a need to organize as a definable group to ensure ethnic identity (Eschback & Gomez, 1998). These models predict that ethnic identity might remain more essential and less symbolic in subsequent generations.

It has long been assumed that for non-European groups, ethnicity and racial identity are ascribed. Especially for African Americans, intermarriage, even after it was no longer prohibited by law, remains fairly rare (Eschback & Gomez, 1998). However, for other non-European groups, such as Asians and Hispanics, the boundaries are not as clearly delineated as they are for African Americans. Even though their physical characteristics make them distinct from European Americans, segregation lines are not as strict as they are for African Americans. Their rates of residential segregation are lower, and their rates of marriage outside of their ethnic group are higher (Eschback & Gomez, 1998).

Discourse

Werner Sollars calls ethnic groups "imagined communities rather than people connected by any essential, natural or unchanging relationships" (in Caminero-Santangelo, 2002, pg. 249). Caminero-Santangelo agrees, seeing in ethnic groups a set of "collective fictions" that are constantly evolving and being debated. She also uses Max Weber's concept of ethnicity as "a subjective belief in… common descent" (2002, p. 249). Cornell and Hartman provide an interesting insight into the relationship between the "imagined community" and the outside observers of the ethnic group:

Anderson argues that the critical precondition for the "imagined community" is the widespread use of print to standardize language, allowing people over a widespread region to share a common means of communication. He asserts that "all communities larger than primordial villages of face-to-face contact' are to some degree 'imagined'" (in Macias, 2004, p. 301). Larger groups must therefore use symbols to create an identity. Macias explains:

Thus, ethnic groups are distinguished by the way they are "imagined."

Kelly and Nagel suggest that the twenty-first century is witnessing a resurgence of ethnic interest and identification, both in the Euro-American community and among other minority groups, even as those groups undergo revisions of their social and cultural institutions (2002). They cite as an example the community of Italian Americans, building on family networks, even as members move out of ethnic enclaves and into the suburbs. African Americans have drawn on both African and American cultural traditions to create Kwanzaa, a new holiday tradition that has a specific cultural context. This stands in contrast to the long-held idea of a "hegemonic" American identity, one that each new wave of immigrant absorbs, replacing their "primordial" identity brought with them from the home country (Spickard & Fong, 1995, p. 1366). In the past quarter century, it has become increasingly obvious that America is a place where people can meet and interact, but need not necessarily shed their ethnicity in all settings.

Gans traces symbolic ethnicity to the cultural patterns of the immigrant generation. Not all aspects of ethnicity achieve symbolic status, only those that follow "a common pragmatic imperative: They must be visible and clear in meaning to large numbers of third-generation ethnics, and they must be easily expressed and felt, without requiring undue interference in other aspects of life" become symbols for largely assimilated descendants of immigrants (in Macias, 2004, p. 300).

Religion

Gans sees two ethnic symbols that serve this purpose particularly well. The first is religion, but merely an "abstracted" and ceremonial form, without the chance of interference with daily life or on American ethics. Holidays serve the same neutral purpose. He points out that these symbols of ethnicity become visible in the mass media, in films and on television, making them part of American popular culture. These aspects of culture do "not require functioning groups or networks or practiced culture" (in Macias, 2004, p. 300). He makes clear the limited nature of symbolic ethnicity when he writes:

It is due to the lack of connection to the ethnic community that ethnicity becomes merely symbolic.

By the third generation past immigration, it is difficult to distinguish most European Americans as distinct ethnic groups. Through the process of intermarriage, most have been completely integrated into mainstream America. Emerging research shows that this pattern of full integration does not hold true for many Asian Americans; Macias argues that this alternative pattern also holds true for Mexican Americans. Their ethnicity is more than symbolic, not entirely fitting with Herbert Gans' understanding of the term, with ethnic culture serving a "more expressive rather than instrumental function…becoming more of a leisure-time activity and losing its relevance, say, to earning a living or regulating a life" (in Macias, 2004, p. 300). Macias posits that although there is a considerable amount of reliance on "indirect relational resources to construct their ethnicity in ways similar to Gans' account of symbolic ethnicity, it is still the direct, interpersonal connection to the Mexican-origin community that gives even these mediated experiences ethnic meaning" (in Macias, 2004, p. 313).

Macias points out that this does not entirely negate Gans' theory; instead, it sets new parameters. For example, religion still plays a highly symbolic role in defining a third generation Mexican immigrants' sense of ethnicity:

Language

Gans posits that language plays a highly symbolic role, with a "pragmatic imperative" and the need to be "clear in meaning" or "easily expressed" (Macias, 2004, p. 307). Macias interviewed 50 third- and fourth-generation descendants of Mexican immigrants; of these, only seven had any competence with the Spanish language. Thus, language could not play a symbolic role in maintaining their sense of ethnicity. Yet almost half of them used Spanish language television as a means of potentially improving their language abilities. While other Americans can use this resource to improve their Spanish language abilities, these Mexican-Americans have the added advantage of linking their viewing with relatives who are fully capable of speaking Spanish, and who can interpret the programming, providing both linguistic and cultural insights. Thus, argues Macias, the "imagined" Mexican community can only exist via television if earlier generations are present to interpret what is seen. Without this, Spanish language television will most likely be of diminishing importance in subsequent generations (Macias, 2004).

Because language plays such a key role in allowing a continued sense of ethnic identity, it is often a central focus when ethnic identity is studied. Eschback and Gomez analyzed two waves of Hispanic high school age students to see if ethnic identity evolved over time. They looked at data collected from students who identified themselves as Hispanic. The survey, High School and Beyond, was administered in 1980, and again two years later. They found that students who became monolingual in English, and who attended a school that was not predominately Hispanic were the least apt to identify themselves as Hispanic on the second survey. Areas with a greater concentration of Hispanic individuals saw less regression (1998).

American Melting Pot

The traditional understanding of integrating new immigrants was of a "melting pot," largely defined by descendents of northwestern Europeans who controlled most aspects of American society. This view has been challenged by the "pluralists" who contend that America is enriched when multiple identities are maintained: Chinese Americans, African Americans, Mexican-Americans among others. Spickard and Fong maintain that even the pluralistic view is too simplistic to encompass many identities, since many people have multiple ethnicities in their background. Interracial marriage has increased exponentially, doubling between 1970 and 1980. By 1990, the fastest growing ethnic group on the U.S. Census was "Other" (1995). As a result, the ethnic "face" shown to others is situational and dependent on many factors.

Pacific Islanders exemplify the incorporation of multiple ethnicities. William Kauaiwiulaokalani Wallace, a Hawaiian rights activist and lawyer discovered his many ethnic identities throughout his childhood, first knowing himself as Hawaiian, then, through his grandmother, as Samoan and Tongan, and finally, Tahitian. Eventually, he also discovered that his Samoan ancestors had substantial European blood as well. It is his Hawaiian heritage that dominates his life, his work and his values; his Samoan heritage also figures prominently in his life. Beyond that, his other ethnic heritages are present, but not critical to his understanding of himself. One result of a more complete recognition of complex ethnicity is the ability to use the different pieces in "situational" ways.

Dorri Nautu is an example of a Pacific Islander with multiple ethnicities that she uses in different situations. She is Hawaiian, Filipino, Portuguese, among several other groups. She qualifies for a Hawaiian scholarship for the university, and mostly sees herself as Hawaiian. However, she says: "If I'm with my grandmother, I'm Portuguese. If I'm with some of my aunts on my dad's side, I'm Filipino. If I'm hanging around, I'm just local. If I'm on the mainland, I'm Hawaiian" (Spickard & Fong, 1995, p. 1370). When she is with her Filipino relatives, they accept her as Filipina, but less completely so than other family members, for she lacks some of the cultural knowledge possessed by those with a less complex ethnic heritage. On the other hand, her Hawaiian family sees her as no less Hawaiian than any of themselves, even with her mixed ancestry, so how she sees herself depends on her situation.

Determining an Identity

When a person has multiple options for ethnicity, there are several factors for determining an identity. At the fore seems to be ancestry, or "bloodline." For some groups, this is the essential quality; for Hawaiians, reciting ancestor lines helps to identify a person in both place and time. Closely related to this is collective memory, especially for a group that has a shared history of persecution within the majority culture. When Haunani-Kay Trask wished to awaken her people to political consciousness, she began with a history of the mistreatment of the Hawaiian people by the Americans. Another essential ingredient is family ties, which are down to a single connection. Even an adopted family is essential; it's a unit that can indoctrinate the individual in the practices and values of the group. "Cultural practice" refers to knowing how to behave, speak and believe like a member of a group. Many members of smaller ethnic groups insist that speaking the language is critical; in it one finds all the nuances of cultural understanding. For ethnic groups that are indigenous to America, a tie to "place" is also a significant factor in determining ethnicity. Often, members speak of a reciprocal relationship between the people and the place, with both entities providing a caretaker's role for the other (Spickard & Fong, 1995).

Further Insights

Mary Waters compares the ease with which people in the United States with European ancestry can take on or ignore their ethnicity with the far more "limited ethnic options" available to black immigrants from the West Indies (in Williams, 2002, p. 357). Some models for successful economic integration of an ethnic group consider "incorporation that ties economic success to the degree to which immigrants can maintain an identity that is distinct from American cultural norms." For West Indians, this is particularly critical because when they lose their "distinctiveness they become not just American, but black Americans" (in Williams, 2002, p. 357). This is a group that has accepted the negative views of black Americans, but by skin color, are linked to the group. Because skin color plays such a critical role in the United States, West Indies immigrants must consciously take on symbolic aspects of culture, such as language, religion and diet that differentiate them from other black Americans. Williams offers a criticism of Waters work: she takes an ahistorical approach, giving West Indies immigrants credit for being motivated and disciplined workers, while not recognizing any of the historical realities that African Americans have long faced (2002).

Ethnic Re-Identification

One result of renewed interest in ethnic identities has been a wave of "ethnic re-identification," defined as "the adoption of an ethnic identity after a period of non-identification" (Kelly & Nagel, 2002, p. 276). This can be found in formal documents such as identifying as a member of an ethnic group on a US Census survey, or in informal settings such as conversations or participation in ethnic activities or ethnic protests. Of course, like all identities, the degree to which the ethnic identity becomes central to one's self-concept varies tremendously between individuals. Those who undergo "re-traditionalisation" can take on very fundamental changes in life style and patterns such as can be seen when a non-religious Jew begins living an Orthodox Jewish existence. It can also be far less encompassing, involving an occasional weekend festival or cooking ethnic foods for holidays. This further limited "re-traditionalisation" is defined by Gans' concept of "symbolic ethnicity." Kelly and Nagel argue that the "timing, process and consequences of ethnic re-identification are analogous both for white ancestry groups and for non-white racial groups in the United States (Kelly & Nagel, 2002, p. 276).

Ethnic re-identification does not always serve to strengthen and solidify the ethnic group. While it can slow the process of acculturation of members to the social and cultural mainstream by renewing interest in traditional languages and cultural institutions, it can also raise uncomfortable questions about ethnic authenticity. Ethnicity is often seen as a choice, not an ascribed state like race; nonetheless, it is possible to have disputes on membership based on biological descent. There can also be questions based on upbringing: Did the individual receive adequate traditional training in language and other cultural mores to participate fully within the group? The rejection of some who wish to re-identify as "inadequately" qualified can weaken and divide the group (Kelly & Nagel, 2002).

One group that has witnessed extensive re-identification is Native Americans. Based on US Census Bureau research, in 1960, 523,591 people opted to check off American Indian on their Census report; by 2010, that number included Alaska natives and had grown to 5,220,579. This increase is far larger than can be supported by natural growth rates; instead, the conclusion is that far more Americans have chosen to identify themselves this way (Kelly & Nagel, 2002). Kelly and Nagel speak of the power of "zeitgeist" to shape human thought and action. They see a parallel between increased interest in ethnic re-identification and times of great historic upheaval, arguing that, in times of significant change, people "are less likely to blame themselves (as individuals) and more likely to identify with the larger group" (Kelly & Nagel, 2002, p. 278). The civil rights era from the late 1950s through the 1970s provided just such an epoch that encouraged many groups, not just African Americans, to reexamine their own ethnic identity. The "cycle of protest" created an atmosphere of mobilization that made ethnicity an idea whose time had come" (Kelly & Nagel, 2002, p. 278).

Conclusion

The imagined community of ethnicity remains an immensely complex subject in American sociology because of a history of immigration. Both symbolic and situational ethnicity allow the descendents of both immigrants and indigenous populations to create ways to participate in their ethnic traditions, while at the same time integrating into the larger, mainstream culture of America. A growing body of research shows that as members of ethnic groups who fall outside of European descent find niches for maintaining their culture, they strengthen and diversify the totality of American culture.

Terms & Concepts

Ascribed Status: A condition, such as race or sex that is not chosen and cannot be acknowledged only when convenient.

Assimilation: The process through which ethnic identity becomes less distinct with the passage of time since immigration; often this requires at least three generations.

Cultural Practice: "Refers to knowing how to behave, speak and believe like a member of a group" (Spickard & Fong, 1995).

Enclosure Model: In contrast to assimilation, the segregated settings of a new immigrant population remains in place after the first generation to offer continuing support of the ethnic identity (Eschback & Gomez, 1998).

Ethnic Group: "Social constructions of differences that are sustained through boundary-making activities of groups that are in social relationship to one another" (in Eschback & Gomez, 1998, p. 74).

Ethnic Re-Identification: "The adoption of an ethnic identity after a period of non-identification" (Kelly & Nagel, 2002, p. 276).

Imagined Communities: Ethnic groups are not connected by any "natural or unchanging relationships," but rather by a set of "collective fictions" that constantly change and evolve (Caminero-Santangelo, 2002, p. 249).

Incorporation: An ethnic groups' economic and cultural success is tied to maintaining a distinct ethnicity, rather than folding into the broader American culture.

Re-Traditionalisation: Members of an ethnic group opt to adopt some or all of the traditional practices of their ethnic heritage after a period of non-participation (Kelly & Nagel, 2002).

Situational Ethnicity: An individual might make different ethnic claims based on the totality of the situation, including geographic factors, the ethnicity of others, and the setting.

Symbolic Ethnicity: A limited identification with an ethnic group that involves activities such as attending an occasional ethnic fair, cooking ethnic food for holidays or subscribing to a periodical dedicated to an ethnic identity (Kelly & Nagel, 2002).

Bibliography

Bauer, S., Loomis, C., & Akkari, A. (2013). Intercultural immigrant youth identities in contexts of family, friends, and school. Journal of Youth Studies, 16, 54-69. Retrieved October 30, 2013, from EBSCO Online Database SocIndex with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=84379781

Caminero-Santangelo, M. (2002). Margarita Engle Cuban American Conservatism and the construction of (left) US latio/a ethnicity. LIT: Literature Interpretation Theory, 13, 249. Retrieved August 7, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Complete http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=8913277&site=ehost-live

Carter, S. K., & Rivera, F. I. (2012). Social constructions of the nonprejudiced white self. Studies in Symbolic Interaction, 38111-133. Retrieved October 30, 2013, from EBSCO Online Database SocIndex with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=67465129

Eschbach, K., & Gómez, C. (1998). Choosing Hispanic identity: Ethnic identity switching among respondents to high school and beyond. Social Science Quarterly (University of Texas Press), 79, 74-90. Retrieved August 7, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=366213&site=ehost-live

Kelly, M., & Nagel, J. (2002). Ethnic re-identification: Lithuanian Americans and Native Americans. Journal of Ethnic & Migration Studies, 28, 275-289. Retrieved August 7, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=6672639&site=ehost-live

Like-Haislip, T. Z., & Warren, P. Y. (2011). Routine inequality: Violent victimization at the intersection of race and ethnicity among females. Violence & Victims, 26, 88-102. Retrieved October 30, 2013, from EBSCO Online Database SocIndex with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=61052639

Macias, T. (2004). Imaginandose Mexicano: The symbolic context of Mexican American ethnicity beyond the second generation. Qualitative Sociology, 27, 299-315. Retrieved August 7, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=14089726&site=ehost-live

Portes, A., & MacLeod, D. (1996). What shall I call myself? Hispanic identity formation in the second generation. Ethnic & Racial Studies, 19, 523-547. Retrieved August 7, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=9703213999&site=ehost-live

Spickard, P., & Fong, R. (1995). Pacific Islander Americans and multiethnicity: A vision of America's future. Social Forces, 73, 1365. Retrieved August 7, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=9508060153&site=ehost-live

Williams, R. (2002). The dignity of working men and black identities. Sociological Forum, 17, 351-366. Retrieved August 29, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=11302547&site=ehost-live

Winter, J. (1996). Symbolic ethnicity or religion among Jews in the United States: A test of Gansian hypotheses. Review of Religious Research, 37, 233. Retrieved August 7, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=10818446&site=ehost-live

Suggested Reading

Chong, K. (1998). What it means to be Christian: The role of religion in the construction of ethnic identity and boundary among second-generation Korean Americans. Sociology of Religion, 59, 259. Retrieved August 7, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=1151699&site=ehost-live

Mills, J. (2012). Somali social justice struggle in the US: A historical context. Race, Gender & Class, 19(3/4), 52-74. Retrieved October 30, 2013, from EBSCO Online Database SocIndex with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=84011944

New, W., & Petronicolos, L. (2001). Spear fishing in Wisconsin: Multicultural education as symbolic violence. Race, Ethnicity & Education, 4, 5-27. Retrieved August 7, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=4196937&site=ehost-live

Vorng, S. (2011). Beyond the urban-rural divide: Complexities of class, status and hierarchy in Bankok. Asian Journal of Social Science, 39, 674-701. Retrieved October 30, 2013, from EBSCO Online Database SocIndex with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=70100945

Wilkinson, K.T. (2002). Collective situational ethnicity and Latino subgroups' struggle for influence in U.S. Spanish-Language television. Communication Quarterly, 50(3/4), 422-443. Retrieved February 4, 2009, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Complete http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=10855277&site=ehost-live