Alexander I

Emperor of Russia (r. 1801-1825)

• Born: December 23, 1777
• Birthplace: St. Petersburg, Russia
• Died: December 1, 1825
• Place of death: Taganrog, Russia

As the autocratic ruler of Russia, Czar Alexander I initiated a series of educational, social, and political reforms early in his reign. He was instrumental in forming the coalition that defeated Napoleon I, and he personally played a major role in the Congress of Vienna following the Napoleonic Wars.

Early Life

Czar Alexander’s birth in the Winter Palace of St. Petersburg marked his destiny to occupy the Russian throne. He was the first child of Grand Duke Pavel Petrovich (later Czar Paul I) and Grand Duchess Maria Fyodorovna. Shortly after his birth, he was taken from his parents by his grandmother, Empress Catherine II (Catherine the Great), to be reared under her careful supervision. It was Catherine’s intent to disinherit her son, Pavel, because she believed that he was mentally unstable and unfit to inherit her throne. Alexander would be trained to succeed her directly.

A number of outstanding tutors were brought to the imperial court by Catherine to provide an education that would prepare her grandson to be czar. The most notable tutor was Frédéric-César de La Harpe, a Swiss republican, who used classical and Enlightenment texts to inspire many of the future czar’s liberal ideals. In his adolescence, Alexander was also allowed an extended visit with his father at Gatchina, where he received his military training. Alexander’s formal education ended at the age of sixteen, when his grandmother arranged his marriage to Princess Louise of Baden-Durlach (later Grand Duchess and Empress Elizabeth) in 1793.

Three years later, Catherine died suddenly on November 17. She had written a manifesto disinheriting her son and naming Alexander her heir. Because the document had not been released, however, her son assumed the title of Czar Paul I. His reign was characterized by a fanatical tyranny and an irrational foreign policy. A small group of nobles and military officers formed a conspiracy to remove Paul from the throne. Alexander reluctantly agreed to the plot on the condition that his father’s life be spared. Paul, however, was assassinated on the night of March 23, 1801. The next day, Alexander was proclaimed the new czar.

At the age of twenty-three, Alexander became the leader of the most populous as well as one of the most backward and troubled nations of Europe. He was a handsome young man known for his intelligence and charm, but some worried that he did not have the necessary courage to fulfill his new duties. On the night that his father was murdered, he reportedly sobbed: “I cannot go on with it. I have no strength to reign. Let someone else take my place.” To this, Count Peter von der Pahlen, the chief conspirator, replied: “You have played the child long enough; go reign.”

Life’s Work

Upon assuming his new responsibilities, Alexander I rescinded Paul’s tyrannical laws. He also formed a private committee composed of four liberal friends from noble families to advise him on a variety of domestic issues. They urged him to pursue a series of educational, social, and political reforms. A comprehensive educational system was proposed by Alexander’s private committee. Public and parish schools were opened to all Russians. In addition, a number of specialized and college preparatory schools were established. Existing universities received increased support, and three new ones were built during Alexander’s reign.

The social institution of serfdom had long been a problem. Nearly three-quarters of the population was owned by the nobility. Alexander detested this widespread slavery among his subjects, but he moved cautiously to avoid alienating the nobility whose wealth and support depended upon this slave labor. In 1803, however, the Free Cultivator’s Law was enacted that permitted the nobility to free their serfs under certain highly restricted conditions. Although its success was extremely limited—only thirty-seven thousand serfs out of ten million were freed during Alexander’s reign—the new law did prompt a national debate on serfdom leading to its abolition in 1861.

Alexander also reformed the corrupt and inept bureaucracy he inherited from Catherine and Paul. The senate and state council were relieved of administrative duties, and their role was limited to offering advice and comment on proposed legislation. Administration of the czar’s laws would be the responsibility of a “collegium,” or cabinet, of eight ministers who reported directly to Alexander. Measures to ensure greater control over the imperial treasury and to limit expenditures by the court were also implemented. The most ambitious proposal was for a constitution that would limit the czar’s autocracy. Although Alexander supported a constitution in principle—he granted constitutions to the Ionian Islands in 1803, to Finland in 1809, and to Poland in 1815—the document was never made public for fear that such rapid change would be opposed by reactionary elements in the nobility.

At the height of his reforming zeal, however, Alexander suddenly and unexpectedly turned his attention to foreign affairs. Initially his foreign policy was based on his hope for a peaceful and unified Europe. He reestablished an alliance with England that had been broken by his father, while at the same time he pursued good relations with France. A treaty of friendship was signed with Prussia, and relations with Austria were improved. Alexander believed that these alliances and overtures not only would moderate Napoleon I’s aggressive ambitions but also would eventually lead to a European federation of nations.

Alexander’s idealistic hopes were shattered with Napoleon’s conquests and with his coronation as emperor of France, forcing Russia to declare war in 1804. The czar assumed the role of field commander, and, along with the Austrians, suffered a bitter defeat at the Battle of Austerlitz in 1805. The following year, Napoleon invaded Prussia. Against the advice of his ministers, Alexander again intervened against the French, losing a series of battles in eastern Prussia.

Following these defeats, Alexander and Napoleon met at the village of Tilsit (now Sovetsk) on June 25, 1807. The czar used his charm to flatter the French emperor and to gain a favorable peace treaty. Russia agreed to break all relations with England and to recognize the newly created Grand Duchy of Warsaw. In exchange, Alexander would be allowed to expand his empire at the expense of Persia, Sweden, and Turkey. Napoleon left Tilsit believing that in Alexander he had a new friend and ally, and that they would conquer and divide Europe between them. The czar, however, was deceptive; his flattery and acceptance of the peace treaty were designed to buy time.

When Alexander returned to St. Petersburg, his popularity quickly declined. The Tilsit Alliance was perceived as a humiliation, and the trade restrictions with England hurt the economy. Partly in response to this criticism, Alexander backed away from any of his earlier reforms and increasingly aligned himself with reactionary forces among the nobility. He imposed his autocratic prerogatives to ensure domestic stability in order to reorganize the army and to devise a strategy that once again would challenge the French emperor.

Alexander’s public break with Napoleon came slowly. Trade with England was secretly resumed, and Russia failed to aid France in its war with Austria in 1809. Napoleon retaliated by annexing the Grand Duchy of Oldenburg (territory controlled by the czar’s brother-in-law) and threatened to establish an independent kingdom of Poland. Relations between the two nations steadily deteriorated as both sides prepared for war.

On June 24, 1812, Napoleon’s grand army invaded Russia. Although Alexander had been rebuilding his army for a number of years, the Russians were still outnumbered by nearly three to one. Given these odds, the Russian army quickly retreated until it faced the French at the Battle of Borodino . The two armies fought to a stalemate, but, as a result of their inferior strength, the Russians were again forced to retreat. Napoleon entered a burning Moscow that had already been torched by its citizens. The French pitched their winter camp in a burned-out city. Disease and lack of supplies took their toll, forcing a retreat. Constant raids by Russian soldiers and partisans during the retreat inflicted heavy casualties. Napoleon escaped from Russia with a devastated army.

Throughout the invasion Alexander provided forceful and inspirational leadership. Even in the darkest days of the campaign, the Russian people rallied behind their czar and vowed never to surrender. The burning of Moscow had reportedly “illuminated his soul,” and Alexander swore that he would defeat Napoleon. Alexander’s resolve was contagious. He rallied the leaders of Europe to join his crusade against Napoleon. Along with the Prussians and Austrians, he won the decisive Battle of Nations, near Leipzig, in October, 1813. Five months later, Alexander triumphantly entered Paris, forcing Napoleon’s abdication and restoring Louis XVIII to the French throne.

Alexander was now the most powerful monarch in Europe. He annexed Poland over the objections of other leaders, but none could challenge his strength. He helped convene and was a dominant figure at the Congress of Vienna , which restored European political stability following the unrest of the Napoleonic era. Even with Napoleon’s brief return from exile in 1815, Alexander was still the premier monarch until his death in 1825, and he established a new era of European peace that lasted until 1871. With the defeat of his archenemy, Alexander had achieved his dream of becoming the arbiter of Europe.

Significance

Alexander I never exploited his position of power. During the last ten years of his life, after 1815, he largely withdrew from public life both in terms of foreign affairs and in terms of domestic reforms. His last foray into international politics was an unsuccessful attempt to form the Holy Alliance. The purpose of this alliance was to unite European leaders by using the principles of Christian love, peace, and justice as a common basis for their political activities. In practice, it was used to justify reactionary policies against revolutionaries. Alexander’s domestic policies became increasingly autocratic and repressive because of his fear of conspiracies and revolts. The czar retreated into a private religious mysticism and piety, and, shortly before his death, he indicated a desire to abdicate.

Alexander displayed contradictory attitudes that helped shape the future of Russia and Europe. He was deeply influenced by liberal ideals, yet at crucial moments he backed away from specific reforms. Had he resolved the serfdom issue and enacted a constitution, the numerous Russian revolts of the nineteenth century and the Russian Revolution of 1917 perhaps could have been avoided. With the defeat of Napoleon, Alexander reached the pinnacle of political power, only to retreat into a private world of religious devotion, leaving the future of Europe primarily in the hands of Austria’s Prince Metternich. Despite this inconsistent behavior, Alexander was both a progressive, though paternalistic, reformer and the driving force that rid Europe of Napoleon’s tyranny.

Bibliography

Almedingen, Edith M. The Emperor Alexander I. New York: Vanguard Press, 1964. A sympathetic biography of Alexander and his court. Provides much personal information about the czar and his relations with family, friends, and colleagues.

Evreinov, Ludmila. Alexander I, Emperor of Russia: A Reappraisal. 2 vols. New York: Xlibris, 2001. The author maintains her book differs from previous biographies because she has based her conclusions on diplomatic correspondence, Russian laws, and other previously untapped primary sources of information.

Glover, Michael. The Napoleonic Wars: An Illustrated History, 1792-1815. New York: Hippocrene Books, 1978. A general summary of the major military battles and campaigns during the Napoleonic era. Primarily useful for its reproductions of numerous nineteenth century illustrations.

Grimstead, Patricia Kennedy. The Foreign Ministers of Alexander I: Political Attitudes and the Conduct of Russian Diplomacy, 1801-1825. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969. A penetrating study of the foreign ministers who served during Alexander’s reign. Provides some insight into the development of Russia’s foreign policy and the influence of liberal and reactionary ideas on Alexander’s thinking.

Hartley, Janet M. Alexander I. London: Longman, 1994. One in a series of interpretive essays analyzing major historical figures within the context of their times. Hartley surveys Alexander’s career within the context of Russian and European history and finds him to be a more consistent ruler than circumstances, and posterity, have deemed him to be.

Holt, Lucius Hudson, and Alexander Wheeler Chilton. A Brief History of Europe from 1789 to 1815. New York: Macmillan, 1919. This text offers a general historical summary of major European events during this period. Provides good background material for placing Alexander in a larger context during the time of his greatest achievements.

Klimenko, Michael. Alexander I, Emperor of Russia: A Reappraisal. Tenafly, N.J.: Hermitage, 2002. A full-length account of Alexander’s life written by a professor of Russian history.

McConnell, Allen. Tsar Alexander I: Paternalistic Reformer. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1970. Provides a critical review of Alexander’s foreign and domestic policies. The author’s intent is primarily to evaluate the czar’s political career and to influence rather than to provide biographical information.

Nicolson, Harold. The Congress of Vienna: A Study in Allied Unity, 1812-1822. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1946. Beginning with Napoleon’s retreat from Moscow, this book offers a detailed overview of European politics from 1812 to 1822.

Tarle, Eugene. Napoleon’s Invasion of Russia, 1812. New York: Oxford University Press, 1942. A detailed account of Napoleon’s invasion, campaign, and retreat from Russia.