Durkheim and the Normalization of Deviance

This article revolves around Émile Durkheim's (1858–1917) controversial proposal that society necessitates the presence of crime, as criminal activity is both normal and functional, and as Durkheim implies, subjective. Even though different communities possess varying degrees of criminal intensity, acts that are the highest form of malignancy in any particular region (e.g., the vandal in New Hampshire; the gang-banger in Los Angeles) will correspondingly warrant an upper-echelon "criminal" label. Society's reliance upon the existence of crime is confirmed by the fact that it will search for such transgressions, even in the absence of delinquent activity. Likewise, benefits that are acquired by admirable and radical acts of crime, such as those practiced by the revolutionary, help thrust society into that which is ever-evolving. A brief discussion is presented surrounding the pervasive components of crime, which survive the test of time, and exist regardless of regional differences or various forms of punitive retribution. Furthermore, the fact that society isolates unacceptable behavior as a means to shape its values is broached. Anomie, or the absence of structure, rules, and societal organization, and its correlation with crime is introduced, followed by relevant research that intersects Durkheimian theory with deviance. This research includes a detailed account by Liska and Warner (1991), who offer a comparison of different theoretical models on crime, Roshier's (1977) critique of Durkheim's ambiguous inability to properly operationalize pertinent concepts, and Maris' (1971) intriguing Durkheimian twist regarding the view that destructive behavior conducted by females can be viewed in productive terms.

Keywords Altruism; Anomie; Crime; Deviance; Durkheim, Emile; Egoism; Fatalism; Strain Theory; Traditional Functionalist Theory

Durkheim & the Normalization of Deviance

Overview

Émile Durkheim (LaCapra, 1972; Lukes, 1972; Lukes & Scull, 1983; Mestrovic, 1988) greatly contributed to the field of sociology by expounding upon the nature of suicide ideology (Allett, 1991; Hassan, 1998; Taylor, 1982; Van Poppel & Day, 1996), crime (Cohen & Machalek, 1994; Leavitt, 1990; Schattensberg, 1981), religion (Belier, 1999; Stark, 2003; Tole, 1993), and education (Cladis, 1995; Dill, 2007; Oelkers, 2004). One of his most controversial premises was the notion that criminal activity was a normal, functional element of society, one from which the masses tremendously benefited. Before launching into his ideals that support such a hypothesis, rough elucidation surrounding the nature of crime must first be explored. Although crime appears to be a fairly straightforward concept for which most people have a working definition, theoretical differentiation surrounding deviant classifications exist, such as the debate surrounding whether or nor war involvement is criminal or heroic (Kauzlarich, 2007). Durkheim's definition of criminality recognizes the amount of widespread individuality and uniqueness strewn throughout the world, as demonstrated through varying religions, political beliefs, and personality differences, and which precludes the possibility for uniform customs to exist.

The impossibility of establishing one solid "norm," therefore, lends itself to the existence of several distinct "norms" peppered throughout the realm of human existence, which creates a platform ripe for dissention. Even if a person's behavior is consistently in accordance with mainstream society, his volitions naturally reside outside the periphery of other worldwide ethical frameworks. For example, a person in the United States who adheres to Christian ideology might find comfort in the fact that his ideals are compatible with the larger society, although they might conflict with people inhabiting other regions of the world, including those that are predominately Muslim, Hindu, etc. What is considered acceptable behavior in one location might be viewed unusual in another; hence, a Durkheimian perspective illuminates the unavoidable and subjective nature of values, and therefore the subjectivity of that which constitutes "deviance."

Deviance is Relative

Objectively speaking, it appears indisputable that a villain is a person who breaks conventional boundaries, rules, policies, moral codes and/or ethical expectations. However, the actual tenets comprising a society's moral structure are based on a variety of subjective factors. For example, in a "lawless" society where theft, muggings, and vicious attacks are rampant, a scoundrel might be defined only along extreme conditions, such as rape or murder. On the other hand, districts that hold intolerant views toward social blunders might hastily label a person committing minor crimes as that of a rogue. A case illustrating the latter found notoriety in 1994, when Michael Fay, an American teenager temporarily living in Singapore, an area renowned for punitive directives and low crime rates, was caught vandalizing cars and sentenced to receive both a fierce caning and a jail term (Gill, 1994; Kelley, 1994).

Differentiation can also occur intra-culturally, and the United States currently contains areas that are riddled with crime, as well as safe havens that are idyllic and serene. To highlight such discrepancy, the gang-infested streets of Los Angeles are so dangerous that officials seek community solace by granting immunization to non-violent gangs, and save their retributive energy for those who resort to mayhem and brutality (Living with cockroaches, 2007). On the other side of the spectrum, New Hampshire, deemed untarnished and renowned for its harmless and secure neighborhoods (Northern Safety, 2007), recently attempted to pass legislation surrounding the punishment of vandals via public paddling, which was declined. Though vandalizing is a serious infraction, it is interesting that both areas (i.e., L.A. and New Hampshire) proactively identify, define, and chastise the highest form of corruption infiltrating their streets. Though both actions vary in intensity, the contempt and penalty for both situations are related, and the vandal and the violent gang member render comparable eminence. Durkheim asserts that crime is normal because we search for its existence; even in a "perfect" environment, residents would search for the most "imperfect" behaviors to classify as aberrant, as is alluded to in the following passages:

Imagine a society of saints, an exemplary and perfect cloister. Crimes in the strict sense would be unknown there. But faults which seem venial to the vulgar would raise the same scandal as ordinary misdemeanors in ordinary consciences. Thus if this society found itself armed with the power to judge and punish, it would qualify these acts as criminal and treat them as such (Durkheim, as cited in Lacapra, 1972, p. 95).

Furthermore,

…[society would] denounce more severely acts which it would have judged more leniently: and that, in consequence, criminality, having disappeared under one form, would reappear under another (Durkheim, as cited in Lukes & Scull, 1983, p. 16).

There is an element of high regard that Durkheim extends toward certain types of crime. Whereas law-abiding citizens can descend into the complacent comfort of their safe habitats, renegades that consistently defy norms and established rules are able to test boundaries by encouraging flexibility and change, which reposition society into a broader, more progressive stratosphere. History is brimming with instances that demonstrate the contrary, in which arbitrary, archaic, or stale governing principles have lost their relevancy throughout the course of evolving social mores. A recent example can be seen in "District of Columbia vs. Heller," the Supreme Court's controversial decision to grant Washington DC residents with the ability to bear arms, which some consider a fundamental constitutional privilege (Bravin, Davis, Fields, & Radnofsky, 2008). Others feel that because the constitution was drafted over 200 years ago, its basic doctrine has lost touch with issues that reflect the needs of today's American, and in fact might facilitate combat in an increasingly aggressive society.

In adherence to Durkheim's grounds, those who oppose such legislation should rally against its existence, thus challenging an antiquated constitutional premise. Hence, Durkheim believed that those who retaliate against the regulations with which they contest venture into illicit territory and might be legally reprimanded; however, they ultimately benefit society, who reaps the advanced strides of that which has been stirred up. In this way, the criminal and the idealist are indiscriminately one-and-the-same, rebelliously forging new and innovative pathways on which the members of society can tread. Furthermore, in the process of violating legal guidelines, a person ironically becomes more intimately acquainted with such governing principles. For example, on a small-scale level, a schoolchild who breaks the "no gum-chewing" rule might receive a lecture from the principal and have to attend after-school detention, which more thoroughly acquaints him with the "no gum chewing policy" than his classmates who have remained under the radar of observant faculty members. Similarly, the outlaws of society also relate themselves more intimately to their district's penal code, in ways that the lay public can only theoretically surmise.

Crime is Consistent

Durkheim indicated that another sign suggesting the normalization of crime includes its pervasiveness across several factors, resulting in a civilization that has never been completely devoid of criminal activity. Indeed, this level of consistency proves that deviance is a normal part of social functioning. If one could prove that crime was, say, accidental or random, then one might build a testimonial to the contrary by examining such abnormal fixtures that infrequently disrupt the social order. Durkheim recognizes that there are anomalous, irregular elements of crime, such as those that occur when the crime rate becomes either markedly low or high, and he claims that the former occurs during time of financial or social despondency. However, during "normal" times, crime exists in regulated form and is indiscriminate of chronological timeframes, regional differences, and restitution. For example, historical eras have been interspersed with legal wrongdoings ranging from an insurgence of Ku Klux Klan retaliation following the Civil War (Everitt, 2003) to 20th and 21st century hate crimes targeting the GLBT (i.e., gay, lesbian, bisexual, transsexual) community (Towns, 2006; Tulin, 2006), as well as ethnic minorities (Cuauhtemoc & Hernandez, 2008). From a cross-cultural perspective, crime can be examined internationally through statistics that delineate global aberrant realities, including the 1996 victimization rates in the following countries: U.S., 24%; the Netherlands, 32%; England/Wales, 31%; Switzerland, 27%; Scotland, 26%; France, 25%; Canada, 25%, among others (Mogelonsky, 1998), which suggest regularity despite regional division. Additionally, crime exists regardless of the level of punitive condemnation that a community imparts onto its people, a point validated by New Jersey's recent abolishment of the death penalty, due to its ineffective ability to deter crime rates ("No death penalty," 2008).

Lastly, the delineation of deviance allows populations to sculpt and identify their own tailor-made value systems. The fabric of any given society creates its texture based upon a variety of factors, and in order to fully come to terms with the multicultural dimensions that comprise a group of people, it is necessary to examine their collective preferential leanings, ways of expressing faith, and communication styles. It is simultaneously essential to comprehend acts that are discouraged and liable to be punished including an itemized list of behaviors that are considered vile, taboo, or offensive.

Further Insights

Anomie

Suicide, in the words of Oppenheim (as cited in Friedman, 1967) is "the negation of the strongest of all human instincts, that of self-preservation…" and was a subject of immense fascination for Durkheim, which inspired his formation of a conceptual framework containing two sets of opposing qualities explicating the reasons why people take their own lives. This framework consists of the following polarities: egoism, or extreme self absorption and altruism, which entails a lack of individuation; as well as anomie, or societal chaos and an absence of structure, and fatalism, which is an overbearing amount of control and rigidity (Acevedo, 2005; Bearman, 1991; Dohrenwend, 1959; Johnson, 1965; Pope, 1975).

Durkheim furthered his understanding of these concepts regarding their pertinence to other societal trends, such as crime and deviance. He considered anomie an essential prerequisite for the manifestation of negativity, particularly because humans are so versatile and wide-ranging in both their beliefs and pursuits, and therefore necessitates an organized system of and standards and rules from which to configure their behavior; the absence of such contributes toward a plunge into obliteration. Interestingly, Durkheim believed that a structured and defined set of conventions is ultimately an epitomized ideal, because as society fosters increased levels of industrialization and expansion, anomie has acquiesced into the norm, resulting in augmented rates of delinquency; thus industrialization encourages the normalization of deviance.

Strain Theory

Twentieth-century American sociologist Robert K. Merton furthered Durkheim's conceptualization of anomie and criminality through what he dubbed "strain theory," which revolves around the notion that people naturally aspire to the attainment of dreams and goals, but often lack an organized route by which to achieve such lofty desires (Featherstone & Deflem, 2003; Rosenfield, 1989). The discrepancy between passionate aspirations and nebulous plans of action often render criminality, in which people resort to unscrupulous deeds to produce their targeted objectives. Stephens (1994) discussed the growing envelopment of anomie within the United States based upon a collective, egocentric morale that is instilled into people at very young ages, whereby they are assured that their prospective career paths can entertain any interest that enters their realm of awareness; they can be President of the United States! They can be rich and famous! Moreover, today's media images are inundated with everyday people who instantaneously transform into legendary "reality television" superstars (Setoodeh, 2004), despite an absence of talent or skill, making such a "dream" appear easy and within reach. Unfortunately, such grandiose ambitions are not only unrealistic, but they are typically unaccompanied with specific instructions for proper enactment. This system manufactures a formula for frustration, and eventual crime-laden outcomes.

Hanon and DeFina (2005) integrate the anomie paradigm into their understanding of criminal behavior, with regard to racial demographics and crime rates. In particular, the African American community has been scrutinized for higher levels of legal infractions, which can be explained through an anomie-oriented perspective that suggests the "American Dream" holds appeal to all U.S. residents, although the method for obtaining its magnetic allure is extended more gratuitously toward Caucasians. The harsh and racist obstacles that African Americans face may trounce their abilities to acquire assets through legal means, and they may feel forced to utilize underhanded approaches:

…the assimilation of African Americans to mainstream culture patterns, including the American Dream. Black and white Americans disagree on many things, but they are united in their commitment to the core tenets of the dominant successful ideology. (Messner & Rosenfeld, 2001, as cited in Hannon & DeFina, 2005, p. 52)

Viewpoints

Other Crime Theories

Opportunity Theory

Liska and Warner (1991) offer a cross comparison between several disparate theories on the origins of crime (i.e., opportunity theory, routine-activities, traditional functionalist, and fear-of-crime) the second of which exemplifies the tenets of Durkheimian philosophy. Opportunity theory postulates that criminality is shrewdly logical in nature, in which the offender proactively places himself in situations that naturally facilitate felonious activity; the "opportunist" therefore lurks in areas that are ripe with attaining his goal of dereliction.

On the other hand, routine-activity, traditional functionalist, and fear-of-crime models focus on the ways in which people proactively structure their lifestyles in response to amoral deeds, although they examine such phenomena from contradictory standpoints.

Routine-Activity Theory

Routine-activity theory asserts that there are three components necessary for crime to exist: a continual supply of both delinquents and victims, as well as an absence of protective forces that ward off such malevolence (e.g., police officers, security devices), and lifestyle norms that enhance vulnerability to criminal activity, which have incidentally increased in recent decades. These norms include an emergence of single female-headed households, dual-working households that necessitate both parties be absent throughout the course of the day, as well as increased work-travel demands that mandate long-term domestic departure.

Traditional Functionalist Theory

The traditional functionalist perspective reflects Durkheim's ideals by emphasizing the societal necessity of crime. This approach postulates that criminal activity ignites a successive chain of events, which in the long run evolves favorably for society. This sequence progressively operates in the following manner:

• The crime is committed

• The public uproariously responds to such a misdeed, including a unanimously endorsed punishment for the perpetrator

• The community assembles together in order to put the pieces back together, as a form of therapeutic alliance and support

• The community creates a sense of solidarity, which serves as a shield to stave off future indiscretions.

In other words, there are meaningful outcomes that result from the most heinous acts of deviance, in that communities can establish close and meaningful emotional bonds, or, from a practical stance, formulate a united front that enforces safety, this banning future chaos from penetrating their residential corridors.

Fear-of-Crime Model

In direct rebuttal to this Durkheimian view, the fear-of-crime model refutes the premise outlined by the steps in the above sequence by suggesting that at the offset of misconduct, people relegate themselves to the confines of their own homes in order to enhance their sense of security, thus eliminating opportunities for social solidarity.

Liska and Warner (1991), in an attempt to provide clarity toward the multifaceted origins of criminal activity, examined the existing theories in more detail to unearth precision on these diverse theoretical concepts, which otherwise appear muddled and inconsistent. Their study targeted urban communities where criminal activity is usually quite abundant, and found that living amid such transgressions prompts people to confine themselves to their own personal space. Hence, contrary to Durkheim's premise, this research suggests that crime imparts a sense of detachment and isolation; however, a by-product of such secluded lifestyles serves as a protective barrier from crime. Consequently, although crime does not engender elevated levels of cohesion and camaraderie per se, a positive "final product" (i.e., reduced crime rates) emerges.

Is Crime Necessary?

Roshier (1977) challenges Durkheim's assertion that crime is normal, first by operationalizing the meaning of "normal," which encompasses that which is both inevitable and necessary. He feels that Durkheim goes to great length detailing the inevitability of deviance, indicated by specification on its immense societal existence, but feels that he glosses over its necessity by making the following concluding statement "crime is, then, necessary; it is bound up with the fundamental conditions of all social life, and by that very fact it is useful" (Durkheim, as cited in Roshier, 1977 p. 311). Hence, Roshier argues that rather than examining deviance as normal, based on both inevitability and necessity as two separate entities, Durkheim feels that the inevitability of deviance renders it necessary. Further, Roshier acknowledges that Durkheim subsequently addresses the functionality of deviance, which he maintains is independent of the notion that it is necessary. In other words, a concept or behavior might be functional, but unnecessary; for example, people might find that partaking in individual interests and hobbies function as cathartic, healthy, and personally gratifying outlets, although such acts might not be a necessary life-sustaining force.

There are several researchers who have touched upon Durkheim's theory, such as Maris (1971), who claims that destructive behavior among females, including deviant sexual acts, substance abuse, and suicide attempts actually act as a barrier from suicide by serving as a survival strategy for life's harsh realities. Certainly, suicide attempts can capitulate into suicide, but if they do not, such attempts, along with other self-injurious patterns should be viewed as an alternate to self-annihilation, perhaps by functioning as a "cry for help" to ensure that some sort of intervention will take place. This assumes a Durkheimian premise by emphasizing that a productive "end" justifies its "means," despite a rocky emotional and physically destructive process.

Conclusion

Durkheim's claim that deviance is a natural aspect of society, one that possesses functional properties, can be a jarring premise that does not easily resonate with our logical or intuitive instincts. Indeed, most morally upright citizens go to great lengths to eradicate criminal activity, either by vigilantly guarding their homes or communities à la neighborhood watch techniques, or through the careers that they conscientiously occupy such as police officers and military personnel. However, social scientists have long isolated behavior that, from the lay-person's standards seem to defy a sense of shrewd discernment. For example, there has been an excess of literature specifying the functional and indirect benefits that families obtain when a member is alcoholic. Despite the obvious heartache and despondency that visibly accompanies such a dynamic, there is also often subtle or unconscious remuneration that is derived, such as the distinct roles that become clearly established (e.g., the person who assumes the "caretaker" role, etc.), roles that give people meaning, and are sorely mourned if the alcoholic family member seeks recovery. Similar to this illustration of an illogical yet advantageous derivative that is oftentimes garnered through adverse behavior (e.g., alcoholism), the benefits of endemic crime and deviance, as initiated by Durkheim, are also prolific.

Terms & Concepts

Altruism: An element of Durkheim's conceptual framework that clarifies the origins of suicide and crime rates, which entails a lack of personal individuation.

Anomie: An element of Durkheim's conceptual framework that clarifies the origins of suicide and crime rates, which involves societal chaos and an absence of structure.

Egoism: An element of Durkheim's conceptual framework that clarifies the origins of suicide and crime rates, which involves extreme self absorption.

Fatalism: An element of Durkheim's conceptual framework that clarifies the origins of suicide and crime rates, which involves an overbearing amount of social control and rigidity.

Strain Theory: Merton's theory, which revolves around the notion that people naturally aspire for the obtainment of dreams and goals, but often lack an organized route by which to achieve such lofty desires. The discrepancy between passionate aspirations and nebulous plans of action often result in criminality.

Traditional Functionalist Theory: A reflection of Durkheim's ideals, which emphasizes the societal necessity of crime. This approach postulates that criminal activity ignites a successive chain of events, which in the long run evolves favorably for society.

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Stark, R. (2003). Why Gods should matter in social science. Chronicle of Higher Education, 49, 7–9. Retrieved July 1, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9982113&site=ehost-live

Stephens, G. (1994). The global crime wave. Futurist, 28, 22–28. Retrieved July 1, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9407124311&site=ehost-live

Taylor, S. (1982). Durkheim and the study of suicide. New York: St. Martin's Press.

Tole, L. A. (1993). Durkheim on religion & moral community in modernity. Sociological Inquiry, 63, 1–29. Retrieved July 1, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9406222984&site=ehost-live

Towns, L. (2006). Ethics and oppression of GLBT citizens: CSWE and NASW involvement. Journal of Progressive Human Services, 17, 1–4. Retrieved July 1, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=20824551&site=ehost-live

Tulin, E. L. (2006). Where everything old is new again-enduring episodic discrimination against homosexual persons. Texas Law Review, 84, 1587–1632. Retrieved July 1, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=21560179&site=ehost-live

Van Poppel, F. & Day, L. H. (1996). A test of Durkheim's theory of suicide-without committing the "ecological fallacy." American Sociological Review, 61, 500–507. Retrieved July 1, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9606254971&site=ehost-live

Suggested Reading

Breathnach, S. (2002). Emile Durkheim on crime and punishment. USA: Dissertation.com

Pickering, W. (1994). Debating Durkheim. London, USA, and Canada: Routledge, Inc.

Riley, A. T. (2014). The social thought of Emile Durkheim. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Stark, R. (1997). Religion, deviance, and social control. New York: Routledge, Inc.