Overview of Hate Crimes

Abstract

Hate crimes are a specific type of crime committed against individuals or groups because of their race, religion, sexual orientation, gender, age, or ethnicity. Genocide is an extreme form of hate crime, and other examples include cross burnings, physical assault and even threatening text messages. Hate crimes often come about through differences between in-groups and out-groups, the animosity felt between them, and they are enabled through the behavior of sympathizers and spectators. As an upward law, or a law designed to punish dominant groups in society, rather than a downward law, which is designed to punish subordinate groups, hate crime laws are often under-enforced. Beginning with an historical review of hate crimes, this article moves on to a discussion of the causes of hate crimes, continues with ways in which hate crimes can be prevented, and ends with a debate over the merits of additional hate crime legislation on the federal level.

Overview

Hate crimes are a specific form of crime in which a person or group is verbally and/or physically attacked because of their gender, sexual orientation, religion, politics, race, ethnicity, disability, or age. Sociologists have identified several ways in which hate can be manifested. These include physical attacks; property damage; bullying tactics; insults; and threatening phone calls, emails, text messages, instant messages, or letters.

History of Hate Crimes. While hate crimes have received considerable attention in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, the phenomenon is hardly new. One especially grievous example of hate crimes have been those perpetrated against the Jewish people since even before the time of Jesus and culminating in the Holocaust during World War II, which is perhaps the greatest hate crime in human history. Other well-known examples of hate crimes include genocides in Armenia, Bosnia, Rwanda, Sudan, and Ukraine; cross burnings, lynchings, and intimidation by the Ku Klux Klan against African Americans in the United States; and threats and violence against gay people throughout the world.

Twenty-first century migration patterns are resulting in a world that is more racially, ethnically, culturally, socially, and religiously mixed than it has ever been, hate crimes—crimes against the other—have attracted considerable public attention. In some cases, old hatreds gained new life.

Researchers have noted that the concept of a hate crime presupposes a community that is morally outraged at prejudice of all kinds, and any particularly prejudicial attitudes and actions toward presumptive victim groups. According to Mason (2007), hate crime has a heavy investment in the capacity of its victim groups to convince the general public that they have been unjustly harmed. The process by which victim status is accorded to a given group is thus far from objective. Rather, it is the product of "collective definitions that have been developed by watchdog organisations" (Jenness & Broad, 1997, p. 173) and "contested in legal and public arenas" (Mason, 2007, p. 265).

Hate Crimes in the United States. Hate crimes in the United States have deep roots in American history and culture. As the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) notes, "Crimes of hatred and prejudice—from lynchings to cross burnings to vandalism of synagogues—are a sad fact of American history, but the term hate crime did not enter the nation's vocabulary until the 1980s, when emerging hate groups like the Skinheads launched a wave of bias-related crime" ("Hate Crime," 2008).

As of 2019, Arkansas, Georgia, Indiana, North Dakota, South Carolina, Wyoming, American Samoa, Guam, and the Virgin Islands had no hate crime statutes on their books, though hate crimes in those states were prosecuted under existing statutes covering murder, theft, harassment, and assault (German & Mauleón, 2019). In response to these disturbing trends, by 2022, forty-nine states, Puerto Rico, and the District of Columbia, passed hate crime laws (Morava & Hamedy, 2022). These states define a hate crime as a criminal act perpetrated due to the victim's race, religion, and ethnicity, while some also include national origin, sexual orientation, gender, gender identity, age, political affiliation, marital status, and disability as protected categories. According to the FBI's Uniform Crime Report Hate Crime Statistics, there were more than 10,500 single-bias hate crime incidents reported involving 12,411 victims (defined as "a person, business, institution, or society as a whole") in 2021 (Criminal Justice Information Services Division, 2023).

According to the FBI's Uniform Crime Report Hate Crime Statistics, there were more than 10,500 single-bias hate crime incidents reported involving 12,411 victims (defined as "a person, business, institution, or society as a whole") in 2021 (Criminal Justice Information Services Division, 2023).

Apart from the FBI statistics, the US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) reported a 24 percent increase in racial harassment reports between 2006 and 2007. The figure was double what it was in 1991 (Bello, 2008, p. 3). According to EEOC data, in fiscal year 2022, there were 20,992 race-based harassment charges filed with the EEOC compared to 24,600 charges in fiscal year 2018 ("Race-based charges," 2023).

Hate Crimes against Muslims after September 11, 2001. The attacks of September 11, 2001, sent shockwaves through American society. Coordinated terrorist attacks in New York City and Washington, DC, brought home to many Americans that the United States is not immune to being attacked on its own soil. Because the attacks were carried out exclusively by self-professed Muslims, the attacks also shined a spotlight, perhaps for the first time, on the 2.35 million Muslims then living in the United States (Pew Research Center, 2007, pp. 9–10), as well as on college and university students from Muslim-majority nations studying in the United States.

Researchers have found that the expected spike in anti-Muslim hate crime did occur in the immediate aftermath of the September 11 attacks. As one team of researchers noted, "with over 400 cases of anti-Islamic hate crime occurring nationally in the weeks after 9/11, in-group and out-group social psychology may have been amplified by the terrorist events" (Byers & Jones, 2007, p. 53).

These researchers also found, however, that the anti-Muslim hate crimes followed a specific pattern of intensity: "The time series analysis also showed that the effect of 9/11 largely dissipated within eight days of September 11. That is, the daily reports of anti-Islamic hate crimes began to level off yet did not return, on average, to the lower levels prior to 9/11" (Byers & Jones, 2007, pp. 53-54). Most curiously, given the locations of the terrorist attacks, "New York City and Washington, DC, anti-Islamic hate crime reports are essentially non-existent (DC did have one report). With the exception of Boston, MA, all other locations on the list of top 10 cities with anti-Islamic hate crime reports in 2001 were some distance from both NYC and DC" (Byers & Jones, 2007, p. 54).

In seeking to explain the spike in anti-Muslim hate crimes more generally, the researchers noted the pivotal role played by political, religious, and community leaders, "Some of this effect may be accounted for by pleas in the media from Islamic and political leaders calling for calm and tolerance" (Byers & Jones, 2007, pp. 53-54).

As for the somewhat counterintuitive finding that anti-Muslim hate crimes were markedly absent from police blotters in New York City and Washington, DC, the research team suggested that this could be accounted for by the leveling of social distinctions as shown by previous researchers (Blocker, Rochford, & Sherkat, 1991; Gonzolas-Garcia & Soriano-Parra, 1989; Neal, 1984; Turkel, 2002). In short, and consistent with the theory of in-group and out-group differences, such distinctions may have become less important given the collective community level trauma and the "leveling of social distinctions" (Quarantelli & Dynes, 1976; Byers & Jones, 2007, p. 54).

In other words, the trauma of the attacks drew people in New York and Washington, DC, together rather than driving them apart.

Concern grew that hate crimes against Muslim Americans would increase following terrorist activities connected to the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) beginning in 2014, and history bore that out. Such incidents included the coordinated attacks on Paris in November 2015 that left more than one hundred people dead and the shooting perpetrated by a Muslim couple with ties to ISIS at a social services facility in San Bernardino, California, in early December of that year. According to the 2021 FBI Uniform Crime Report Hate Crime Statistics, 14.1 percent of hate crimes were motivated by religious bias (Criminal Justice Information Services Division, 2023). In March 2016, ISIS orchestrated yet another large-scale attack in Europe that involved three suicide bombings of the international airport in Brussels, Belgium, and resulted in the deaths of thirty-two people. Anti-Islamic hate crimes in the US rose to 24.8 percent in 2016, before dropping to 18.7 percent in 2017 and 14.5 percent in 2018 (Criminal Justice Information Services Division, 2019). An extensive survey of Muslim Americans conducted by the Pew Research Center five years after the September 11 attacks found that "[a] quarter of Muslim Americans say they have been the victim of discrimination in the United States, while 73% say they have never experienced discrimination while living in this country" (Pew Research Center, 2007, p. 4). A 2011 Pew Research Center for People and the Press report, “A Portrait of Muslim Americans,” reported that though there were still significant numbers of Muslim Americans reporting that they experienced prejudice in the United States, these numbers had not changed much since 2007 (Pew Research Center, 2011). In 2022, Al Jazeera reported 62 percent of Muslims felt discriminated agianst based on their religion, and 65 percent reported feeling disrespected (2022).

Undocumented Immigration & Anti-Hispanic Hate Crimes. One of the most controversial social and political issues in the United States in the early twenty-first century has involved undocumented immigrants, also known as unauthorized or illegal workers. Should they be allowed to stay in the country, and under what conditions? Could they be stopped from coming to America altogether? Most illegal immigrants come from Mexico and elsewhere in Latin and Central America (Passel, 2005, p. 2), and a considerable portion of the American public believes there are good moral and economic grounds for taking a tougher stand against these migrants. While much of the opposition to undocumented immigration is conducted within legal boundaries and does not spill over into hatred and violence, hateful attitudes and actions have emerged.

FBI statistics show that the number of hate crimes perpetrated against Latinos rose 25 percent between 2004 and 2008. Some, such as the Latino civil rights group the National Council of La Raza, attribute the increase to a spike in media coverage of unauthorized immigration (Ramirez, 2008, p. 14). The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) agreed; Deborah Lauter, its civil rights director added, "When we saw the rhetoric shift from a legitimate debate to one where immigrants were dehumanized, we believe it inspired extremists and [some] mainstream Americans to act" (as cited in Ramirez, 2008, p. 14).

According to the FBI Uniform Crime Report Hate Crime Statistics for 2018, 13 percent of single-bias hate crimes motivated by race/ethnicity/ancestry were classified as anti-Hispanic or Latino bias. One of the issues most prominent in the campaigning for the 2016 presidential election also became immigration. A general sense of increased anti-immigration sentiment subsequently caused concern for several immigrant groups in America, including Muslims and Mexicans. Republican President Donald Trump's promise of his intention to build a wall at Mexico's expense on the border between Mexico and the United States particularly heightened the debate regarding unauthorized immigration from Mexico and Central America. In 2020, the FBI reported 517 anti-Hispanic or Latino incidents, compared to 527 in 2019 ("2020 FBI Hate Crimes Statistics," 2023).

Anti-Semitism. Anti-Semitism grew in the late 2010s, with the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) reporting that the year 2018 had the highest number of attacks since the 1970s. Eleven people were murdered at Pittsburgh's Tree of Life Synagogue in 2018, representing the deadliest attack against Jewish people in US history to date. Nearly two thousand anti-Semitic incidents, including assaults, vandalism, and harassment, occurred in 2017, and some 1,900 took place the following year, about double from 2015 (ADL, 2019). A significant share of those events (13 percent) were the work of individual extremists or organized extremist groups. According to the ADL, the uptick in anti-Semitism paralleled a rapid expansion of White supremacist propagandizing throughout the country. In the early 2020s, anti-Jewish incidents were down 28 percent since 2019, at 683 total incidents in 2020 ("2020 FBI Hate Crimes Statistics," 2023).

Further Insights

Underreporting of Hate Crimes. The FBI data cited earlier was collected by the FBI in compliance with the 1990 Hate Crime Statistics Act. However, according to hate crimes watchdog organizations such as the Anti-Defamation League, there is evidence that the number of annual hate crimes in the United States may be underreported:

In 2006, 12,620 law enforcement agencies in the United States participated in this data collection effort, compared to 12,417 in 2005. Yet, only 16.7% of participating agencies reported even a single hate crime—and almost 5,000 police departments across the country did not participate in the FBI reporting program at all. ("FBI Report Shows," 2007, par. 7)

In 2018, about 16,039 law enforcement agencies participated in the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reporting Program (Criminal Justice Information Services Division, 2019). Although the number of participating agencies increased between 2006 and 2022, hate crimes remain underreported. The Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) published a special report in June 2017 based on the National Crime Victimization Survey. The BJS study showed that from 2011 to 2015, the average number of hate crimes occurring each year in the United States was 250,000, some 230,000 of which involved violence, and approximately 42 percent of such incidents were reported to the police (Masucci & Langton, 2017).

Sociologists reviewing the FBI statistics have shown that law enforcement agencies in the Northeast and West have been more forthcoming with hate crime data than their counterparts in the South and Midwest (McVeigh, 2003; cited in King, 2007, pp. 189–190). "Hate crime reporting appears particularly scant in the historic 'Black Belt' states. For example, only one law enforcement agency in Alabama and Mississippi combined submitted a hate crime incident report in 2000 (US Department of Justice, 2000, Table 12, cited in King, 2007, p. 190). Further validating the concern of underreporting hate crimes in the US, NPR reported in early 2023 that the FBI's data collection methods and findings for the 2021 year may be less reliable than hoped. Additionally, all states do not require a standardized collection of data on hate crimes, making determinations difficult (Olmos, 2023).

Upward & Downward Law. How can this discrepancy be explained? Scholars note, for example, that when it comes to prosecuting hate crimes perpetrated by White Americans against Black Americans, very often the concepts of upward law (law enforced against a higher-ranking person) and downward law (law enforced against a lower-ranking person) apply. According to King (2007),

"Disputes that largely entail majority group offenders and minority group victims, such as hate crimes (Messner et al., 2004), constitute ''upward law'' (Black, 1976, p. 21-22) and may thus elicit minimal law enforcement. The present research builds on Black's insight in conjunction with the group threat thesis as advanced in the areas of law enforcement (Jackson ,1989), civil rights law (Vines, 1964), and prejudice (Taylor, 1998; Quillian, 1996) to suggest that minority group size increases the use of law that adversely impacts minority groups but decreases the use of law aimed at protecting minorities" (King, 2007, p. 190).

Jack Levin, a leading expert on hate crimes, suggests that the police also may not be seeing the distinctive marks of hate crimes:

"The low police estimate [of hate crimes] probably reflects their lack of training in recognizing the criteria e.g., slurs and epithets, graffiti, membership in organized hate crime, location where previous hate attacks have occurred, propaganda, hate websites and CDs, and a perpetrator's record of committing hate crimes. Also, police may see hate crimes committed by teenagers as merely childish pranks or hooliganism, deserving of some unofficial reprimand but nothing more. Some youngsters are given a slap on the wrist in the form of probation with no conditions—no community service, victim restitution, or education; others never get into police reports or the courts" (Levin, 2007, p. 82).

Reasons for Committing Hate Crimes. Sociologists and others have been interested to learn the reasons underlying the perpetration of hate crimes, and considerable social science research has sought to unravel the mystery.

Several lines of evidence can be brought together. First is data collected by British researchers at the Institute of Education, University of London, indicating that hate crimes were most prevalent in areas with wide disparities in educational achievement, with proportionately few students grouped in the "average" achievement category ("Educational Inequality," 2008).

It is also the case that about 95 percent of hate crimes are committed by individuals and small groups (Levin, 2007, p. 83), and not by organized groups such as the Ku Klux Klan. Levin gives an especially lucid explanation of these individuals and their motivations:

"But hate comes right from the mainstream of a society. Most hatemongers are dabblers; they commit their offenses on a part-time basis as sort of a hobby. More than half of all hate attacks are perpetrated for the thrill, for the excitement, for bragging rights with friends who think that hate and violence are pretty cool. These thrill hate crimes are typically carried out by teenagers or young adults who go out in groups of 3, 4, 5 or more looking to assault someone who is different. They are bored and idle, they are unsophisticated in terms of hate ideology; but when they bash the enemy, their vulnerable victims, they feel something they never felt before--a sense of their own superiority, a feeling of power, and dominance, and control" (Levin, 2007, p. 83).

Others who commit hate crimes do so because they perceive other groups as a threat or because they desire to retaliate against previous hate crimes perpetrated against members of their own group (Levin, 2007, p. 84).

In 2016, one man's horrific attack on a nightclub in Orlando, Florida, sparked debates about whether the attack should be considered both an act of terror and an act of hate as authorities struggled to determine the true motivation behind Omar Mateen's decision to open fire on a large crowd gathered at Pulse, a popular lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) club. While the LGBT community reacted immediately and fearfully to the attack as one perpetrated specifically against LGBT individuals, authorities remained unsure as to why Mateen chose that location for his attack, which resulted in the deaths of forty-nine people.

Preventing Hate Crimes. No single method has ever been effective against reducing the number of hate crimes. Experts note that it involves the coordinated efforts of law enforcement, the courts, community and religious leaders, educators, and ordinary citizens to stem the tide of hate-inspired criminality. Each group has a role to play:

The Police

  • Raise confidence in targeted communities that justice will be served;
  • Bring perpetrators of hate crimes to justice;
  • Educate young people about the serious costs of committing hate crimes; and
  • Protect witnesses in hate crime cases.

The Courts

  • Enforce existing statutes against hate crimes; and
  • Connect victims of hate crimes to social services.

Community & Religious Leaders

  • Drive home the message that hate and violence are never the answer;
  • Help develop alternative and positive ways for the disenchanted and disenfranchised--those at risk of committing hate crimes--to connect with the diverse groups in their community; and
  • Emphasize religious traditions that put a premium on love and tolerance.

The School System

  • Introduces anti-hate, pro-tolerance lessons and curricula in age-appropriate ways;
  • Remains vigilant about outbreaks of hate-based activities among students; and
  • Works with parents, community groups, and others to provide counseling and positive activities for those students viewed as at-risk for committing hate crimes.

Ordinary Citizens

  • Report hate crimes to the police, even anonymously;
  • Encourage friends that hate and violence are not the answer to anything; and
  • Do not tolerate or encourage hate-filled comments or discussions about various groups.

(based on "Hate Crime," 2008)

Sympathizers & Spectators. Levin notes that two groups, in particular, enable the spread of hate crimes: sympathizers and spectators. These two groups are: members of society whose behavior gives encouragement and support to those who are willing and able to commit a hate attack. Sympathizers repeat ethnic and racial jokes and epithets. In the process, they teach others, especially children, to hate. Spectators are essentially decent and honorable people. But they lack the courage to stand apart from the masses. They do not hate people who are different, but they do absolutely nothing to discourage hate from being expressed in criminal behavior (Levin, 2007, p. 84).

To address the problem of hate crimes in any sufficient way, these two groups must be re-educated.

For further information on effective ways to educate for tolerance and prevent hate crimes, see the Anti-Defamation League's How to Combat Bias and Hate Crimes: An ADL Blueprint for Action.

Viewpoints

Hate Crimes Legislation. There was considerable debate and discussion surrounding the Local Law Enforcement Hate Crime Prevention Act, which was introduced in Congress in 1999, before it was passed a decade later in October 2009. By the time the act was signed into law, it had become known as the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act. The act is named after two victims of hate crimes that occurred in 1998: Matthew Shepard, a college student who was tortured and killed in an acknowledged act of anti-gay hatred; and James Byrd Jr., an African American man who was tortured, dragged behind a truck, and decapitated by White supremacists.

The act expands the scope of federal hate crimes legislation, which has been on the books since 1969, to include crimes against individuals for their sexual orientation, perceived gender, gender identity, and disability. The act gives federal authorities more freedom to intervene in alleged hate crime cases not pursued by state and local authorities; provides additional hate crimes funding to state and local law enforcement agencies; removes the prerequisite that hate crime victims must be engaged in a federally protected activity at the time of the crime, such as attending school or voting; and requires the FBI to track statistics of hate crimes based on gender and gender identity. The act became the first federal law to protect transgender people. According to the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), one of the leading supporters of the legislation:

The Local Law Enforcement Hate Crime Prevention Act is designed to expand the range of assistance federal authorities can provide state and local officials prosecuting hate crimes and, when appropriate, provide authority for federal officials to investigate and prosecute hate crimes in those circumstances where state and local officials cannot or will not act themselves (as cited in, "FBI Report," 2007).

Others argued that federal hate crimes legislation is unnecessary given existing criminal statutes. Daniel Troy of the American Enterprise Institute, in testimony to the House Judiciary Committee in 1999, posited that hate crime legislation is counterproductive, "The way a society gives voice to the need for justice, punishment, and vengeance is through criminal law. If our criminal laws are not tough enough to satisfy our communal need for justice, by all means let us make them tougher. But we should not give greater legal effect to the grievances of one group over those of another. Crimes should be punished regardless of a victim's immutable characteristics" (Troy, 2000, par. 3).

Still others also argued that federal hate crimes legislation "further balkanizes American society along racial and ethnic lines, building walls instead of bridges" and "punishes thought in a manner at odds with the First Amendment" (Troy, 2000). Some religious leaders were concerned that religious statements critical of homosexuality could be construed as hate crimes under the Local Law Enforcement Hate Crime Prevention Act.

In response, the ADL argued that hate crimes are a special category of criminal activity that demand a specific legislative remedy because they threaten the very essence of a multicultural society:

"Hate crimes demand a priority response because of their special emotional and psychological impact on the victim and the victim's community. The damage done by hate crimes cannot be measured solely in terms of physical injury or dollars and cents. Hate crimes may effectively intimidate other members of the victim's community, leaving them feeling isolated, vulnerable, and unprotected by the law. By making members of minority communities fearful, angry, and suspicious of other groups—and of the power structure that is supposed to protect them—these incidents can damage the fabric of our society and fragment communities" ("Hate Crimes Laws," 2001).

The Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act went through several sessions of Congress, during which it failed to advance and then was reintroduced a number of times until it reached President Barack Obama's desk, where it was signed into law on October 28, 2009.

In the twenty-first century, hate crimes are as prevelant as ever. A twenty-one-year-old accused of espousing racist, White supremacist views shot and killed nine people at an historically Black church in Charleston, South Carolina, in 2015 and was almost immediately indicted on federal hate crime charges. Within a month of the incident, after authorities had interviewed the man and examined his computer and social media activities, Attorney General Loretta Lynch announced that the crime was so racially motivated that the federal government was compelled to level hate crime charges against him in addition to the several counts of murder charged by state courts. Similarly, in February 2023, a Texas man plead guilty to killing twenty-three people and injuring twenty-two in an El Paso, Texas Walmart in 2019. He told police he went to the Walmart to kill the people "because of the national origin and ethnicity of the people he expected to be at the Walmart." (The United States Department of Justice, 2023).

Terms & Concepts

Downward Law: A law that involves legal restrictions to defend members of a majority group against members of a minority group.

Genocide: An extreme form of hate crime in which a dominant group engages in mass killing and slaughter of a subordinate group.

Hate Crime: A specific form of crime in which a person or group is verbally and/or physically attacked because of their gender, sexual orientation, religion, politics, race, ethnicity, disability, or age.

In-Group: A social group to which an individual feels they belong.

Out-Group: A social group to which an individual feels animosity, and, in extreme cases, the desire to fight and destroy.

Spectators: Those who watch hate crimes being committed and do nothing to come to the aid of victims.

Sympathizers: Those who lend tacit, but not active, support to individuals and groups that commit hate crimes. They agree with the motivations behind hate crimes, but often do not perform the hate crimes themselves.

Upward Law: A law that aims to protect disenfranchised groups at the expense of the dominant group.

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Pew Research Center (2007, May 22). Muslim Americans: Middle class and mostly mainstream. Pew Research Center. Retrieved June 7, 2008, from http://pewresearch.org/pubs/483/muslim-americans

Pew Research Center (2011, August). A portrait of Muslim Americans. Pew Research Center. Retrieved November 17, 2014, from http://www.people-press.org/2011/08/30/a-portrait-of-muslim-americans

Plumm, K., Terrance, C., & Austin, A. (2014). Not all hate crimes are created equal: An examination of the roles of ambiguity and expectations in perceptions of hate crimes. Current Psychology, 33, 321–364. Retrieved November 18, 2014, from EBSCO Online Database Business Source Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=bth&AN=97680178

Race-based charges (charges filed with EEOC) FY 1997 - FY 2022. US EEOC. (2023). Retrieved 5 June 2023, from https://www.eeoc.gov/data/race-based-charges-charges-filed-eeoc-fy-1997-fy-2022

Ramirez, J. (2008). When hate becomes hurt. Newsweek, 151, 14. Retrieved June 7, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Premier. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=31166600&site=ehost-live&scope=site

Smith, A. M., & Foley, C. L. (2010). State statutes governing hate crimes. Congressional Research Service. 7–5700; RL33099. Retrieved November 17, 2014, from http://assets.opencrs.com/rpts/RL330995%F20100928.pdf

Southern Poverty Law Center. (2013). DOJ study: More than 250,000 hate crimes a year, most unreported. Southern Poverty Law Center. Retrieved November 18, 2014, from http://www.splcenter.org/blog/2013/03/26/doj-study-more-than-250000-hate-crimes-a-year-a-third-never-reported

Stacey, M. (2015). The effect of law on hate crime reporting: The case of racial and ethnic violence. American Journal Of Criminal Justice, 40(4), 876–900. Retrieved January 11, 2016, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=110952434&site=ehost-live&scope=site

The United States Department of Justice. Hate crimes case examples. (2023, June 13). Retrieved June 10, 2023, from https://www.justice.gov/hatecrimes/hate-crimes-case-examples

Troy, D. E. (2000). Federal hate crimes legislation. Testimony before the House Judiciary Committee, Washington, DC, August 4, 1999. American Enterprise Institute. Retrieved June 7, 2008, from http://www.aei. org/ publications/pubID.17122,filter.all/pub‗detail.asp

US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. (n.d.). Charges alleging race and harassment (charges filed with EEOC) FY 1997-FY 2019. United States. Retrieved June 3, 2020, from https://www.eeoc.gov/enforcement/charges-alleging-race-and-harassment-charges-filed-eeoc-fy-1997-fy-2019

2020 FBI Hate Crimes Statistics. The United States Department of Justice. (2023, February 21). Retrieved June 6, 2023, https://www.justice.gov/crs/highlights/2020-hate-crimes-statistics

Walters, M. (2011). A general theories of hate crime? Strain, doing difference, and self control. Critical Criminology, 19, 313-330. Retrieved November 5, 2013, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=66440211&site=ehost-live&scope=site

Masucci, M., & Langton, L. (2017, June). Hate crime victimization, 2004–2015. United States Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics. Retrieved June 3, 2020, from https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/hcv0415.pdf

Suggested Reading

Gerstenfeld, P. B. (2018). Hate crimes: Causes, controls, and controversies (4th ed.). SAGE.

Harlow, C. W. (2005). Hate crime reported by victims and police [PDF document]. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Retrieved January 11, 2016, from http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/hcrvp.pdf

Hentoff, N. (2007, May 28). Prosecuting hate crimes. The Washington Times. Retrieved January 11, 2016, from http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2007/may/27/20070527-094423-2979r

Hodge, J. P. (2011). Gendered hate: Exploring gender in hate crime law. Northeastern University Press.

Home-grown Nazis. (2007). Economist, 384, 58. Retrieved June 7, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Premier. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=26608483&site=ehost-live&scope=site

Iganski, P., & Levin, J. (2015). Hate crime: A global perspective. Routledge.

Knox, G., & Etter, G. (2008). Hate crimes and extremist gangs. New Chicago School Press.

Kennedy, A. (2007). The elephant in the room. Counseling Today, 50, pp. 1, 24–25. Retrieved June 7, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=27737329&site=ehost-live&scope=site

Levin, J., & McDevitt, J. (1993). Hate crimes: The rising tide of bigotry and bloodshed. Plenum.

Levin, J., & McDevitt, J. (2002). Hate crimes revisited: America's war on those who are different. Westview Press.

Levin, J. & Rabrenovic, G. (2004). Why we hate. Prometheus Books.

Levin, J. (2007). The violence of hate. Allyn and Bacon.

Lewis, C. (2012). Tough-on-crime tolerance: The cultural criminalization of bigotry in the post-civil rights era. Critical Criminology, 20, 275–292. Retrieved November 5, 2013, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=78437592&site=ehost-live&scope=site

Mason, G. (2014). The hate threshold: emotion, causation and difference in the construction of prejudice-motivated crime. Social & Legal Studies, 23, 293–314. Retrieved November 18, 2014, from EBSCO Online Database Business Source Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=97129854

Page, C. (2007). Hate crime increase is not what some make it out to be. Caribbean Business, 35, 28. Retrieved June 7, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Business Source Premier. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=bth&AN=27779332&site=ehost-live&scope=site

Essay by Matt Donnelly, M.Th.

Matt Donnelly received his bachelor of arts degree in political science and a graduate degree in theology. He has also been a graduate student of history at the University of Massachusetts-Boston and is the author of Theodore Roosevelt: Larger Than Life, which was included in the New York Public Library's Books for the Teen Age and the Voice of Youth Advocates' Nonfiction Honor List.