The American Commonwealth by James Bryce

First published: 1888; final revised edition, 1922-1923

Type of work: Social criticism

The Work:

James Bryce served in several capacities that qualified and trained him to write on American political and social institutions. A professor of history at Oxford and a member of Parliament, he also served in numerous political posts and was ambassador to the United States from 1907 to 1913. His monumental work The American Commonwealth grew out of five visits to the United States and extensive reading about the country.

The book is a shrewd analytical study of the American scene designed for a European audience and obviously written by a man who was prejudiced in favor of America. In Bryce’s opinion, regardless of the many flaws and weaknesses (especially on the local and state levels) in the American political system and institutions, the sum total of American hopes and aspirations created a system of rule that was the best to date, one that offered hope to the world.

The American Commonwealth is divided into six parts. The first concerns the national government, the Constitution, the presidency, the two houses of Congress, the federal courts, the federal system of government, and the relations of the federal government with the state governments. Bryce emphasizes the organic growth of the American political system. He believes that the happy combination of events and thinking that resulted in the system, and especially in the Constitution, stemmed from the fact that the predominant race in America in the eighteenth century was Anglo-American. This race was directly responsible for the Constitution, which, though by no means a perfect instrument, merits the veneration that Americans generally bestow on it. Bryce believed that the greatness of the Constitution derives from the fact that there is nothing new about it, that like all good political documents and all things that deserve to win and hold the obedience and respect of citizens, it has its roots deeply planted in the past and grew slowly through changing periods of history. The men who drew up the Constitution were practical politicians who wanted to walk the paths trod by former successful governments. The path was made easy and its progress assured by the fact that in America during those days there were no reactionary conspirators threatening the nation. The most remarkable feature of the American governmental system, Bryce believes, is the preeminence of the Constitution and the fact that the Constitution can be altered only by the people.

The creation of a president to head the American government was fortuitous. In outlining his role and power, the Framers of the Constitution, fearing the monarchical system and a strong centralized government, nevertheless modified existing offices of leaders; that is, they created the office as one that enlarged the role of the state governor, whose office resembles that of the British king but on a smaller and improved scale. There are many disadvantages to this office and the method of electing its holder, but in practice the responsibility of the position and the realization that the president represents the nation as a whole sobered and controlled the holders of the office. With a few exceptions, the presidency was not filled by men of brilliance. The office does not demand intellectual brilliance; rather, it demands common sense and honesty.

In fact, political offices in America are not filled by outstanding citizens, few of whom take up a career in politics. Even the Senate and the House of Representatives are not constituted of the nation’s best minds, although the Senate draws to itself the best talent in politics and establishes its authority in the American political system by its dignity and six-year tenure in office. It faithfully fulfills the intentions of the Founders of the nation in resisting change and yielding to it only gradually.

In comparison to the Senate, the House of Representatives is chaotic and lacks the dignity and the power of the upper chamber. It also lacks the men of ability claimed by the other chamber, but what it lacks in these aspects it makes up for in the worthiness of its purpose and its real accomplishments.

Those who drafted and signed the American Constitution were especially wise in establishing such complex legal institutions. Bryce believes that few American institutions warrant closer study than the intricate system of the judiciary, which deserves great admiration because it operates smoothly and contributes to the peace and prosperity of America. The weaknesses in the American legal system, in fact, flow not from their makeup but from human frailties.

The second part of The American Commonwealth discusses state and local governments. The state constitutions in general grew out of the royal charters, but in being changed and rewritten they cast out the worst aspects of their models. A state constitution is a law passed directly by the people at the polls and is an example of popular sovereignty directly exercised. As such, it has few parallels in modern Europe. State governments are more subject to local pressures than is the federal government, and they are more widely influenced by political parties. Some of the weaknesses of the state governments are exaggerated in lower local groupings, especially in city governments. Universal suffrage has many serious weaknesses, and all become evident and important in a city, where foreign immigrants swell the population. Though there are obviously serious problems in the American city, probably no other system of government could have been devised that would have worked as well, and American cities have made progress in solving their problems.

Part 3 concerns itself with “Political Methods and Physical Influences.” It is a detailed study of the American political machinery, nominating conventions, and public opinion and its power. Bryce considers that of all American experiments in politics, the most worthy of serious study is this governing by public opinion, which towers above all other aspects of American political life as a source of power. However, it is a power used well: Individuals are reckless, but the mass of people is restrained. As a result, public opinion becomes gradually more temperate, mellow, and tolerant.

The very size, strength, and potential of the United States give Bryce great pause for contemplation. Can a nation so immense in size, so varied in population, and so gifted in wealth remain one nation and control itself? Given his own tentative and conservative disposition, Bryce hesitates to answer his own question, but his conclusions almost assert themselves. His prophecies are in fact somewhat optimistic. Never before, he claims, has a nation had such golden opportunities for defensive strength and material prosperity. He concludes that America will probably remain unified in government and in speech as well as in character, ideas, and action.

In all aspects The American Commonwealth is exhaustive. One of its great strengths derives from the background of its author. Deeply read in European and other governments, Bryce gives his study of the American government an unusual breadth and depth, which inform the reader profoundly. His book becomes essentially a study in comparative government and therefore remains as informative today as at the time of its composition. Only in the study of some of the detailed aspects of American government—in cases where the institutions he describes or aspects of those institutions have been changed by custom, act of legislature, or amendment—is the work dated. In general, Bryce’s comments on the American character and his belief that America is the nation pointing toward the future constitute stimulating and interesting reading.

Bibliography

Ions, Edmund S. James Bryce and American Democracy, 1870-1922. New York: Humanities Press, 1970. A British scholar uses Bryce’s personal papers to trace his interaction with the United States. Contains much useful information about the writing and impact of The American Commonwealth and Bryce’s subsequent career as ambassador between 1907 and 1913.

Keller, Morton. Affairs of State: Public Life in Late Nineteenth Century America. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1977. A late twentieth century historian looks at the period that Bryce’s book examined. Useful for a comparative perspective on what Bryce wrote.

‗‗‗‗‗‗‗. “James Bryce and America.” Wilson Quarterly 12 (Autumn, 1988): 86-95. Keller considers Bryce’s work a century after it was written and finds it “a vivid, affectionate, informed portrait” of the United States and its government during the 1880’s. One of the best short analyses of Bryce’s contribution to the study of American culture.

Seaman, John T., Jr. A Citizen of the World: The Life of James Bryce. London: Tauris Academic Studies, 2006. Chapter 6 of Seaman’s biography is devoted to a discussion of The American Commonwealth.

Shaughnessy, D. F. “Anatomy of the Republic: On Bryce’s Americans.” Encounter 73 (July-August, 1989): 31-37. An interesting analysis of Bryce’s view of the United States and the accuracy of his assessments. Shaughnessy argues that Bryce’s judgments held up very well and that his comments about American political institutions retain contemporary relevance.