Homelessness

Abstract

As the number of homeless people has risen, homelessness has become a central feature of life in America. Broadly, homelessness is viewed as either the result of individual choices and/or a poor work ethic, or as a symptom of or response to more complex social problems. Although homelessness is more visible to researchers and policy makers in the twenty-first century than in decades prior, it remains methodologically challenging to count and track homeless people. Nonetheless, statistics show that the homeless population is largely male; that women under thirty years old are a growing proportion of the homeless population; and that while homelessness is a largely urban problem, rural homelessness is rising. Homelessness is mainly attributed to poverty and the absence of affordable housing and contributes to a range of social, emotional and health related problems; yet, many cities and states have mobilized laws to deal with the problems homelessness causes for public space use rather than the problems that homelessness causes for those who are homeless. Consequently, researchers argue that in addition to programs that aim to provide temporary and transitional shelter to homeless people, there needs to be an increase in accessible permanent housing and in federal housing resources.

Overview

As the number of homeless people rose during the second half of the twentieth century, homelessness became an unignorable feature of life in America. Broadly, homelessness is viewed as either the result of individual choices and/or a poor work ethic, or as a symptom of or response to more complex social problems. Although homelessness is more visible to researchers and policy makers now than twenty years ago, it remains methodologically challenging to count and track homeless people. Nonetheless, statistics show that the homeless population is largely male; that individual women are a growing proportion of the homeless population; and that while homelessness is largely a problem in major urban areas, homelessness has grown in smaller cities and decreased somewhat in suburbs. Homelessness is mainly attributed to poverty and the absence of affordable housing and contributes to a range of social, emotional, and health related problems; yet many cities and states have mobilized laws to deal with the problems homelessness causes for public space use rather than the problems that homelessness causes for those who are homeless. Consequently, researchers argue that in addition to programs that aim to provide temporary and transitional shelter to homeless people, there needs to be an increase in accessible permanent housing and in federal housing resources.

What is Homelessness? The image of homelessness has changed since the Great Depression, when many homeless people were elderly and White. Today a growing number of women and families, including young children, are homeless because of insufficient housing and resources (Bassuk & Rosenberg, 1988). Although the number of homeless people continues to fluctuate, homelessness has become a central feature of life in America (US HUD, 2020).

Homelessness tends to be associated with images of people who sleep in the streets, parks, subways, and sidewalks; who lack shelter of any kind, and are transient throughout the year, moving from place to place. The homeless are sometimes considered as undeserving of support; they are frequently stigmatized as being mentally ill, out of control, and are viewed by some as personally responsible for their situation (Phelan, Link, Moore & Stueve, 1997).

Homelessness began to emerge as a US national public policy and global issue in the 1980s, as a consequence of widening income disparities in the developed world and growing urbanization and natural disasters in the developing world (Daiski, 2007). In the US, the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) defines homelessness as:

• Lacking a fixed, regular, and adequate nighttime residence; and
• Having a primary nighttime residence that is a supervised publicly or privately operated shelter designed to provide temporary living accommodations (including, for instance, welfare hotels, congregate shelters, and transitional housing for the mentally ill); an institution that provides a temporary residence for individuals intended to be institutionalized; or a public or private place not designed for, or ordinarily used as, a regular sleeping accommodation for human beings (cars, underpasses, sidewalks) (Ward, 2006).

This definition emerged in part as a consequence of the research conducted by Dennis Culhane (1997), a pioneer in homelessness research.

In the 1980s, when he was a graduate student, Culhane conducted research for his dissertation by living for seven weeks in a shelter in Philadelphia. He tracked people coming in and out of the shelter system and found that a majority (about 80 percent) of the people were homeless for a relatively short period. These people are categorized as transitionally homeless. About 10 percent came in for about three weeks then left, maybe returning later (this episodic homeless group is often young and abuses drugs). The remaining 10 percent were those who were chronically homeless (and were typically older, mentally ill, or disabled). Subsequent research has shown that this group uses more than half the resources in the homelessness service delivery system, such as shelters, emergency care, mental health services and the criminal justice system (Culhane & Hornburg, 1997). As a consequence of this work, the national picture of homelessness has become clearer. Researchers know more about the numbers of people who are homeless, their service utilization histories, and the costs of providing shelter, services, and housing.

Yet, while homeless people are more visible to researchers and policy makers than ever before, they are still difficult to track. Thus, the actual number of homeless in the United States is difficult to quantify. Because so many homeless people move from city to city or state to state, lack identification, and live in hidden cities, it is hard for researchers to measure the actual extent of people who are homeless. Nonetheless, the 2020 Annual Homelessness Assessment Report to Congress published by the HUD estimated there were 580,466 homeless people in the United States on a single night in January 2020; of these, 110,528 people were chronically homeless. These numbers represented an overall 2.2 percent increase from 2019—the fourth year in a row that the number of homeless individuals had risen in the US. Even more concerning was the large jump in chronically homeless people. That number was 15 percent higher than in 2019 (Henry et al., 2021).

Who Are the Homeless? Homeless people are the poorest and most disadvantaged in society. Homelessness tends to be concentrated in urban areas, especially in cities where social safety nets are weak. For instance, the 2020 Annual Homelessness Assessment Report to Congress reported that about one out of four homeless people live in either New York City or Los Angeles (Henry et al., 2021).

The homeless population is predominantly male—61 percent versus 39 percent women and girls, according to the 2020 Annual Homelessness Assessment Report to Congress. Although nearly half of the homeless population is composed of White people, African Americans and American Indians/Alaska Natives are significantly overrepresented (Henry et al., 2021; HUD, 2018). Women experiencing homelessness are more likely to be part of families, and about 7 percent of adult-headed homeless families in 2020 were parenting youth (those aged eighteen to twenty-four with their own minor children). Overall, approximately 30 percent of those counted as homeless were in families (Henry et al., 2021).

Children were more likely to be in poverty and therefore more likely to be homeless; moreover, being a foster child raises the risk of becoming homeless, especially at the point when foster children make the transition from foster care to adult life. The age distribution of the homeless varies and in some cities is much younger than in others.

In the early 2000s there was a notable trend of homelessness in rural areas. Homeless people in rural areas—more likely to be White, female, married, and with children—were less likely to have shelter access and more likely to live in a car or share accommodation with family or friends. Moreover, they were more likely to be homeless as a consequence of or as a response to domestic violence (NCH, 2008b).

Further Insights

Perceptions of Homelessness. Explaining homelessness is a central focus of public policy research, especially since, at times, political and media representations of homelessness highlight personal characteristics and failings (such as choice, work aversion, alcoholism) as its cause. For instance, some people assume that all people have equal opportunity to provide for themselves through hard work and self-determination, and that those who fail to work hard are responsible for not making it in society (Thio, 1992). Indeed, some early research on homelessness (Lewis, 1961) suggested that there is a "culture of poverty" that encourages individuals to think about the present rather than the future; to fail to delay gratification; and to accept the life of poverty and homelessness.

However, one study (Lee, Jones and Lewis, 1990) tested these assumptions and examined how people explained homelessness. The researchers surveyed over four hundred households in Nashville, Tennessee, and found that, while there was evidence of homelessness attributed to personal characteristics, a majority of those surveyed attributed homelessness to forces that are outside of the control of the individual; most commonly, to structural barriers that impede individuals from either getting help to deal with preexisting problems or social forces that make it difficult for individuals and families to find appropriate housing and jobs in a poor economy (Lee, Jones & Lewis, 1990). The three most important structural problems that contribute to homelessness—and, are therefore, key policy issues—are poverty, housing, and health (Kiesler, 1991).

Poverty. There are two main trends in relation to homelessness in the last ten years: a growing shortage of affordable rental housing and a simultaneous increase in poverty (NCH, 2008, www.nationalhomeless.org).

Poverty is the single biggest predictor of homelessness, especially in places where income levels are polarized. While some economic analyses suggest that wages have shown growth in many areas (though often because of longer working hours), there have also been growing disparities between the rich and poor, combined with a longer-term trend of declining wages and job insecurity (NCH, 2008). Wages have remained low in many service sector jobs, like housekeeping, janitorial services, and fast food industries, while the cost of living has increased exponentially (Moore, Sink & Hoban-Moore, 1988). Declining wages have in part been a consequence of reduced bargaining power among unionized workers; a decline in manufacturing jobs and the corresponding expansion of lower-paying service-sector employment; globalization; and an increase in temporary and part-time employment (Mishel, Bernstein, & Schmitt, 1999).

There is limited welfare available to assist homeless people. The National Coalition for the Homeless notes that until 1996, the largest cash assistance program for poor families with children was the Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) program. The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (the federal welfare reform law) repealed the AFDC program and replaced it with a block grant program called Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF), which offers cash assistance to move people from welfare to work. However, this assistance is well below the federal poverty line and may exaggerate some of the other problems that TANF recipients face, such as finding affordable housing and paying utility bills (Nickelson, 2004). These factors are important because they affect the ability of people to afford housing.

Housing. In addition to low wages and a decline in public assistance, the level and quality of housing available to low-income workers contributes to homelessness (NCH, 2008). The federal definition of affordable housing is housing that costs no more than 30 percent of a person's income. Few people on minimum wage are able to channel 30 percent of their income into housing, nor will 30 percent of their earnings be sufficient to purchase or rent accommodation. For instance, by 2017 18.2 million renters and homeowners were severely cost-burdened, paying more than 50 percent of their annual income for housing, according to figures from the Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University. Such data suggest that employment does not necessarily provide protection against homelessness. The HUD-sponsored Family Options study found that a significant proportion (approximately 17 percent) of homeless parents are actually employed (Walton, Dastrup & Khadduri, 2018).

As in other parts of the developed world, the availability of low-rent housing units has declined in the last several decades. While the number of low-rent housing units has declined, the number of low-income renters has increased.

Researchers and advocacy organizations agree that homelessness and poverty are inextricably linked. The National Coalition against Homelessness (2005) argues that "poor people are frequently unable to pay for housing, food, childcare, health care, and education." When people have limited resources, they have to make difficult choices and because housing absorbs such a high proportion of people's income, it is often housing that they cannot afford.

Health. There are many health consequences of homelessness, including increased risk of sexually transmitted diseases, mental health problems, physical impairments, morbidity, and mortality. Two of the most important public policy issues for homelessness are health and criminalization.

According to the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion (1986), shelter is a basic requirement for health, and lack of it contributes to a range of health problems, mental illness, and reduced life expectancy. First, those who are homeless or living in poverty generally are more likely to die at younger ages than the general population, are more likely to have chronic health conditions—including affective disorders and substance abuse, HIV and tuberculosis—and suffer from dental disease (Thio, 1992). For instance, in 2018 about 20 percent of those experiencing homelessness meet the criteria for a severe mental illness (HUD, 2018). Rates of disability are higher among the homeless population. Daiski (2007), for instance, found in an ethnographic study of homeless people's perceptions of their health that the experience of homelessness contributed to bodily deterioration and that younger people were highly aware of how homelessness was aging them prematurely.

Second, homeless people lack health insurance, access to primary care physicians, routine medical and dental care, or psychological services and regular, nutritious food: This may especially compromise the health of children by contributing to iron deficiency, weakness, fatigue, behavioral problems, fatalities, and suicide (Hodnicki, 1990). Third, while free and discounted services exist to address the health problems of those experiencing homelessness, there may be limited transport access to social service centers (especially for the growing population of homeless people in rural areas) and many of those who are homeless may distrust health care professionals. Poor health may of course also contribute to homelessness. For instance, Daiski (2007) found that older people were more likely to attribute their homelessness to health problems or injury.

While deteriorating physical health can be attributed to homelessness, mental and emotional health can also be affected. Daiski's (2007) study found that in particular, the lack of privacy and restrictive rules in shelters or street spaces could impact dignity and feelings of self-worth, contributing to a sense of social invisibility; homelessness is accompanied by fear, anxiety, and emotional distress; and those who experience homelessness often also fall into addiction and crime.

Viewpoints

Criminalizing the Homeless. Research clearly shows that social structural forces such as the non-availability of low-cost housing, gentrification and urban renewal, cutbacks in welfare, deindustrialization, and global economic restructuring have all contributed to increases in the homeless population. Yet, as Aguirre and Brooks (2001) observe, many cities across the US seem more interested in problems caused by homelessness than in the problems that cause homelessness. Local governments have increasingly turned their attention to the social problem of having people who are without shelter and the problems caused by homelessness in relation to land values and the use of public space. Concomitantly, cities have steadily moved toward "enacting and enforcing laws that specifically criminalize homeless people in response to their concern about the use of public space" (Brown, 1999). While vagrancy laws have been the cornerstone of the criminal justice system for decades, these "public nuisance" laws make it illegal to beg or panhandle, loiter, or sleep in public. Business owners and elected officials on the other hand consider these laws a step towards cleaning up the streets, gentrifying urban areas, and preventing crime before it occurs. Homeless activists have called these laws and law enforcement tactics the "criminalization of poverty" which specifically seek to imprison those who are "undesirable" members of society. Yet there is evidence that those deemed "undesirable" in fact create their own version of society.

A Culture of Resistance. David Wagner (1993) conducted a detailed ethnography of a community of homeless people living in "North City" and "Checkerboard Square." Through his observations and interviews it was evident that homeless communities are not simply a group of disorganized individuals who share a common quality—a lack of permanent residence. There are, as we have seen, various types of homeless persons, codes of conduct for living in the street, and, in some cases, even a political organization within and among these groups that strategize ways to express their expectation for social and political rights and press the boundaries of mainstream American values and norms (Wagner, 1993).

Rather than viewing homeless people as suffering from a "culture of poverty," Wagner (1993) instead describes a "culture of resistance" that develops out of living on the streets. After time, homeless people develop a set of shared values and beliefs that are counter to traditional attitudes toward social institutions, the government, employers, and others. This set of shared norms and values manifested, first, as resistance to rules of social interactions, or to traditional family, marital, and romantic ties. This could be because, in many cases, research participants experienced abuse at the hands of their parents or partners. Second, there was a common sense of resistance to employers as perpetrators of control and exploitation, through short-term low paying jobs that have little opportunity for upward mobility. Many of the individuals who were interviewed expressed some concern over the level of control employers had over their personal lives, and rejected jobs that were demoralizing or humiliating. Finally, many of the interviewees felt resistance toward social welfare programs, shelter services, mental health services, and the criminal justice system. Many viewed these institutions as manipulative and self-serving and expressed fear that the more involved individuals become with social service institutions and shelters, the more their lives are subject to formal mechanisms of social control that could result in the loss of custody of a child, livelihood, or freedom.

Nonetheless, despite the existence of a "culture of resistance" toward welfare, health and shelter programs, these areas of intervention continue to be the mainstay of policy efforts to manage and end homelessness.

Public Policy. By and large, cities and states deal with homelessness by providing a range of interventions such as emergency shelter and transitional housing, emergency food, and mental health services. Data from the US Conference of Mayors Report on Hunger and Homelessness (2007) show a consensus among local government officials that in addition to the provision of temporary shelter, homelessness needs to be addressed through provision of more permanent housing and through an increase in federal housing resources. Legislative changes have focused on making it possible for people on low incomes to be able to afford quality housing. For instance, the National Coalition for Homeless Veterans passed a bill in 2008 (Homes for Heroes Act) to prevent homelessness among veterans by establishing a program for low-income veteran families and formerly homeless veterans (see www.nchv.org). A version of the bill was introduced in Congress in 2015.

More comprehensively, the National Coalition for the Homeless supported the Bring America Home Act, a bill that aimed to bring the issue of homelessness front and center to the public and policy arena, and through a raft of initiatives to secure not only entitlements to housing, income, health, and civil rights, but also establish the basic human need of shelter as an entitlement for all Americans (www.nationalhomeless.org). The bill was not passed by Congress on its first or second introduction, however.

Terms & Concepts

Criminalization of Poverty: The process by which laws are passed that directly or indirectly target people living in poverty or the homeless.

Culture of Poverty: The notion that poverty and homeless are due to individual characteristics that are counter to traditional norms and values regarding work and society.

Culture of Resistance: A shared set of norms and values that is adopted among those who are homeless (Wagner, 1993).

Deinstitutionalization: Policy changes that occurred nationwide in the 1970's whereby people who were previously housed in long-term mental health facilities were transferred to community based health treatment centers and/or released into the general population.

Homelessness: The state of lacking permanent or temporary housing.

Individualization of Poverty: The notion that individuals are responsible for their own socioeconomic situation, including having a poor work ethic, and the acceptance of poverty as a way of life.

Structural Inequality: The notion that socio-structural factors such as policy failures relating to social service programs and housing as well as a dearth of adequate paying jobs and training are the predominate causes of social and economic inequality.

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Suggested Reading

Albrecht, W., Walker, V., & Levy, J. (1982). Social distance from the stigmatized: A test of two theories. Social Science and Medicine, 16, 1319–1329.

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Byrne, T., Fargo, J. D., Montgomery, A. E., Munley, E., & Culhane, D. P. (2014). The relationship between community investment in permanent supportive housing and chronic homelessness. Social Service Review, 88, 234–263. Retrieved December 31, 2014 from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=96623592&site=ehost-live&scope=site

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Lane, M. (2016). Social welfare: Addressing poverty and homelessness. Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Cengage Learning.

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Willse, C. (2015). Valuing homelessness: Managing surplus life in the United States. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.