Tunisian Uprising

Summary: In December 2010, a self-immolation in protest of police corruption sparked a wave of revolutionary unrest across Tunisia known as the Tunisian Revolution, or Jasmine Revolution. Using street demonstrations and riots to protest social and political issues, the Tunisian Revolution succeeded in ousting President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, a dictatorial president who had ruled the country for almost a quarter-century. Driven by a discontented populous with a shared vision of a decent, more democratic life, the revolution was characterized by widespread protests against poverty, inequality, and widespread corruption.

The Tunisian Uprising did not feature the fundamentalist Islamist sentiment typical of many other Muslim countries, and Tunisia's outlawed Islamist party, whose leader was in exile, reacted cautiously to what appeared to be an entirely unexpected, spontaneous popular uprising. Analysts were quick to point to parallels between Tunisia and other Arab countries, notably Egypt, that might be prone to similar upheavals. In January 2011, Ben Ali fled the country for Saudi Arabia and left Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi in charge of creating a unity interim government. One year later, the election of a new president, Moncef Marzouki, signaled that Tunisia had stabilized to such a degree that U.S. and Israeli intelligence personnel returned to the region in search of new assets.

In-Depth Overview: On December 17, 2010, a street vendor named Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in the provincial town of Sidi Bouzid following a confrontation with a local policewoman. The policewoman had attempted to confiscate his fruit and fruit scale, and when Bouazizi resisted, he was beaten by two of her colleagues. Bouazizi was refused when he demanded the return of his fruit and scale, and he was also refused an audience with the local governor. In protest of police corruption and harassment, Bouazizi doused himself with paint thinner and lit himself on fire; he died on January 4, 2011, from burns over 90 percent of his body. Bouazizi's self-immolation ignited public outrage and sparked a series of protests that quickly spread to the Tunisian capital. The explosive street protests that followed became known as the Jasmine Revolution or the Tunisian Revolution.

Until the events of December 2010, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali's 23-year-long authoritarian regime had been marked by high unemployment, corruption, food inflation, and a lack of free speech. Following the global financial crisis of 2007-2008, long-simmering popular dissatisfaction with the Ben Ali regime reached a head, as the country suffered widespread unemployment. Tunisian unemployment was estimated at 14 percent (estimated by government officials) to 30 percent (by Tunisian unions), and the lack of jobs was felt keenly among young people, many of whom were college educated. Tunisians complained of widespread government corruption, enrichment of political families, and rampant nepotism, which funneled government money to favored families. On a local scale, bribery was often required to get a job or to avoid a crackdown on businesses -- such as Bouazizi's fruit cart.

Bouazizi's self-immolation ignited public outrage and sparked a series of protests that quickly spread to the Tunisian capital. Protesters -- many of them unemployed college graduates -- used social networking sites like Facebook and Twitter to spread news of their activities and call for participation, circumventing government censorship. On Twitter, outspoken messages in Arabic, French, and English were distributed to 10,000 followers by well-known dissident and blogger Slim Amamou. Amamou, who became Minister of Youth and Sports in Tunisia's interim government after being jailed and interrogated during January 2011, used his position to report unprecedented information about the government in order to give it transparency.

Following the initial rioting, government security forces and the police cracked down on demonstrators, resulting in violence between protesters and Tunisian authorities. Police forces used tear gas and fired on rioting crowds. In the final days of President Ben Ali's rule, the Tunisian military stepped in to control both the rioters and police forces loyal to the government, refusing to fire on civilians.

On January 14, President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali left the country. While still in flight, he was denied entrance into France and turned instead to Saudi Arabia. The European Union agreed to freeze the assets of Ben Ali and his wife. Reports of elaborate parties and allegations of embezzlement, corruption, and nepotism led to trial in a Tunisian court. In June 2011, Ben Ali and his wife were convicted in absentia of embezzlement and unlawful possession of cash and jewelry. They have been sentenced to 35 years in prison and a $65 million fine.

Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi stepped in as head of an interim government of unity that would rule until elections could be organized. Ghannouchi promised to lift censorship and form of three commissions to investigate corruption, human rights abuses, and political reforms, plus the release of political prisoners. Given the absence of police, demonstrators rose in protest of Ghannouchi's close relationship with Ben Ali, which was perceived as a continuation of the old regime. Ghannouchi resigned on February 27.

Following the departure of Ben Ali, calls to legalize communist and Islamist parties have been met, and Tunisia's fundamentalist Islamist party, Ennahdha "Renaissance" party was legalized. Ennahdha was banned as a political party in 1992, and during the next two decades it was suppressed by Ben Ali's government. Ennahdha Renaissance did not appear to play a role in the Tunisian Uprising, and after the uprising it held broader support than any of the other 60-odd parties. Ennahdha has maintained a moderate stance, and the secretary general of the Ennahda party, Hamadi Jebali, stated in a magazine interview that its members had "no interest whatsoever in throwing everything away, today or tomorrow," pointing out the importance of European tourists to Tunisia's economy. However, its growing political strength has given rise to concerns that the Tunisian Revolution will serve as a catalyst for Islamic rule.

After a year of unrest and uncertainty, the people settled on a new leader in former human rights activist Moncef Marzouki by a coalition of elected officials instead of a general election. Marzouki, a secular moderate, had been exiled by the previous government for openly challenging its legitimacy. Marzouki worked with the Islamist Ennahdha party to draft a new constitution and return a moderate form of Islamism to Tunisia. For example, while the new constitution does require a Muslim, it also guarantees a number of rights for women.

Global View. In the weeks following the outbreak of protests in Tunisia, similar movements took root in other Arab states. There were reports of more than a dozen attempted suicides by immolation in Saudi Arabia, Morocco, and Yemen. In Cairo, thousands of demonstrators gathered in Tahrir Square on January 25, 2011, sparked by the protests in Tunisia; three weeks later, President Hosni Mubarak had resigned.

The wave of unrest was labeled the "Arab Spring," a wave of reform across the Arab world marked by popular protests against authoritarian regimes. Given the movement's early success in Tunisia and Egypt, the spirit of revolt spread throughout the Arab world, with differing results. In Bahrain, Jordan, Yemen, Libya, and Syria, crackdowns by police and sometimes the military have succeeded in keeping long-time rulers in power. In other states, including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Morocco, demonstrations either never took hold or were quickly suppressed. In Jordan, King Abdullah II has temporarily satisfied demonstrators by offering concessions.

Aftermath

One year later, the election of a new president, Moncef Marzouki, signaled that Tunisia had finally stabilized following several months of riots, protests, and unrest. One key indicator of Tunisia's increasing stability is the return of Western intelligence agencies to the area. During a period of unrest, an intelligence agency will typically scale back its efforts to recruit clandestine assets, as the situation is too fluid to determine an individual's value over the long-term. In February 2012, the Arabic periodical Al-Musawar cited a report released by the Egyptian Yafa Research Center indicating that Mossad and the CIA had increased its efforts shortly after Marzouki's election. According to the report, Mossad is spread out across several Tunisian cities. Each Mossad branch has a specialized purpose:

"The branch stationed in Tunis, for example, tracks targets in Algeria. The one placed in Djerba, an island located 500 kilometers southeast of the capital, traces Libyan targets. The Sousse office deals with Tunisian internal affairs…

Mossad has three primary goals for its activity in Tunisia: to form spy rings for sabotage and incitement purposes, and to follow the development of events in neighboring Algeria and Israel, while also protecting the interests of the Jewish communities in Tunisia, Algeria and Libya.

Another goal that the Mossad has assigned its agents, Al-Musawar reported, is to shadow the opposition groups in Tunisia -- especially those who oppose the peace process with Israel, while also protecting the interests of the Jewish communities in Tunisia, Algeria and Libya."

Main Players:

  • Mohamed Bouazizi -- a 26-year-old fruit vendor whose suicide on December 17, 2010, sparked the street demonstrations that led to the Tunisian Uprising. His self-immolation in protest of police corruption was sparked by a policewoman who tried to confiscate Bouazizi's fruit.
  • Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali -- the president of Tunisia since November 1987. Members of Ben Ali's extended family were also widely reputed to be corrupt.
  • Mohamed Ghannouchi -- former prime minister (since 1999) of Tunisia and leader of the ruling RCD party. After the departure of Ben Ali, Ghannouchi formed a unity government and announced commissions to investigate corruption, human rights abuses, and political reforms; the release of all political prisoners; an end to censorship; and free elections within six months.
  • Foued Mebazaa -- a speaker of parliament. Mebazaa was named as temporary president by Ghannouchi.
  • Rashid Ghannouchi -- exiled leader of the Ennahda Renaissance, the Tunisian Islamist party. Ghannouchi was earlier sentenced to life in prison; he remained in London pending a formal pardon or lifting of the sentence.
  • Slim Amamou -- a famous blogger and Minister of Youth and Sports in the interim cabinet. Amamou had been jailed during the protests for voicing dissident opinions, and when serving in the interim government he posted a steady stream of messages to increase transparency.
  • Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) -- long-time ruling party of President Ben Ali.

Bibliography

Allani, Alaya. "The Islamists in Tunisia between confrontation and participation: 1980-2008." Journal of North African Studies. 14:2 (June 2009) 16p.

"Leader Biography." Tunisia Country Review. 2010. 2p

Migdalovitz, Carol. "Tunisia: Current Issues: RS21666." Congressional Research Service: Report. November 19, 2009. 11p.