CIA Black Sites
CIA black sites refer to a network of secret prisons operated by the Central Intelligence Agency, primarily located in Eastern Europe and a few other regions, including Africa. Established in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks, these sites were intended for the short-term detention of "unlawful enemy combatants." The program has been shrouded in secrecy, with limited formal acknowledgment and numerous reports suggesting the use of extreme interrogation methods, including torture. Detainees at these facilities were often transported using unmarked private planes to maintain confidentiality.
The existence of black sites has led to significant controversy regarding human rights violations and their impact on international relations, particularly as host countries sometimes faced backlash for allowing such operations without proper oversight. Reports have indicated that approximately 100 black sites may exist, including various locations in countries like Poland, Romania, and Thailand, often used in coordination with U.S. military efforts. As details continue to emerge, questions remain about the efficacy of the interrogation methods employed, with some arguing that the information obtained was often unreliable. Overall, the legacy of CIA black sites is a complex interplay of national security, ethical considerations, and legal implications that continue to affect public discourse today.
CIA Black Sites
Summary
"Black site" is the term used to describe a single location in a network of secret prisons operated by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). With exceptions (particularly in Africa) these prisons are typically located in Eastern Europe—in countries that were either members of the former Soviet Union or under its sphere of influence. Hastily conceived in the weeks immediately following 9/11, the black site network was designed to house "unlawful enemy combatants."
Almost nothing has been formally acknowledged about the program; however, a number of accounts have surfaced through media investigations that have used former detainees and other local resources as sources. While it is almost certain that these black sites contain combatants taken from the battlefield, there have also been numerous reports of individuals being "disappeared" or taken off the streets by CIA operatives or partnered groups and agencies.
The issue of CIA black sites is a contentious one—both within the American intelligence community itself and in the realm of public opinion. Interrogators at black sites have gained a reputation for employing extreme methods (i.e., torture). As details emerge more than a decade after 9/11, some countries are prosecuting the in-country personnel responsible for brokering deals with the United States while skirting political oversight from the host state. For example, in late March 2012, Poland informed former intelligence chief Zbigniew Siemiatkowsk that he would be charged with "'unlawful deprivation of liberty' and 'corporal punishment' against prisoners of war."
In-Depth Overview
At the height of the American War on Terror, the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay and black sites were most prevalent. Black sites are not meant for long-term incarceration but rather short-term internment. Based on the ongoing flow of intelligence, detained enemy combatants can be released or transferred to Guantanamo for an internment or undefined period. The latter outcome is much more common than the former.
Detainees are not transported to the black sites by marked military planes. Instead, they are transported via private planes leased to the CIA by private owners. In 2005, for example, it was reported that a plane bearing the Boston Red Sox logo was seen in Egypt two years prior.
"Federal Aviation Administration records obtained by the Chicago Tribune [that] show that Gulfstream N85VM has been many places around the world that the Red Sox have almost certainly never gone. Between June 2002 and January of this year, the Gulfstream made fifty-one visits to Guantanamo, [and] the plane recorded eighty-two visits to Washington's Dulles International Airport as well as landings at Andrews Air Force Base outside the capital and the US air bases at Ramstein and Rhein-Main in Germany."
While the Red Sox plane is perhaps the most high-profile of planes known to be used during the transport of illegal combatants, it is by no means alone. The reality is that leasing private planes is standard CIA practice because it maintains secrecy. Beyond speculation, the owners of the planes have little to no insight into how the planes will be used.
Locations
Given the nature of a black site, it is impossible to create an exhaustive list of each location using public resources. Also, black sites take a variety of forms—from shipping containers on naval ships to small, unassuming storefronts. Coordination between the CIA and the US military is common, such as the black site on Diego Garcia—a US military base on a small island in the southwest Indian Ocean.
Still, journalists (mostly in host countries) have made great strides toward identifying sites in their countries.
"Countries that held prisoners on behalf of the US based on published data are Algeria, Azerbaijan, Bosnia, Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, Gambia, Israel, Jordan, Kenya, Kosovo, Libya, Lithuania, Mauritania, Morocco, Pakistan, Poland, Qatar, Romania, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Somalia, South Africa, Thailand, United Kingdom, Uzbekistan, Yemen, and Zambia. Some of the above-named countries held suspects on behalf of the CIA; others held suspects on behalf the US military, or both."
Sites in the above countries combined with more than forty sites in Iraq and Afghanistan and seventeen ships put the total number of black sites around 100. However, the number is fluid.
Controversy
From a foreign relations and policy standpoint, the key issue with black sites is their impact on the reputation of the United States abroad. Citizens of host nations are not especially enthusiastic about US rendition on their soil, particularly if it was not vetted through the proper political channels. Domestically, secret prisons and torture fall under the banner of Guantanamo Bay. The difference between the two perspectives is that one focuses on a perceived violation of sovereignty while the other focuses exclusively on human rights and the absence of clearly defined legal processes that govern detainment operations and trial proceedings.
Enduring Legacies
In the years leading to the 2020s, more detailed information concerning the CIA operation has become available to the public. In the 2024 trial of captured Al-Qaeda leader Abd al-Hadi al-Iraqi—held at the Guantanamo Bay Naval Air Station—attendees were provided detailed descriptions of a former CIA "black site" holding cell. Forensic photography of various black site cells was displayed to jury members at Hadi's trial. They showed small, approximately six-foot chambers and windowless cells where prisoners were isolated. In his trial, Hadi acknowledged responsibility for war crimes, such as employing civilians as combatants in Afghanistan.
Several legacies remain from the episode. The human rights aspects aside, many questions remain over the effectiveness of the CIA's program in securing operational intelligence. Many maintain information gleaned from such methods was unreliable. Those subjected to enhanced interrogation techniques simply fabricated the information they thought their captors wanted to hear to avoid punishment. CIA officials, nonetheless, assert their interrogation methods were indeed effective and prevented attacks and American fatalities.
Law enforcement agencies, such as the FBI, adopted a policy to acquire new legal statements from prisoners such that they could be admissible at trial. In 2024, Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, the alleged mastermind of the 9/11 attacks, reached a plea deal with US military officials. In exchange for an admission of guilt, Mohammed would not be subject to the death penalty. The evidence that formed the basis of the charges against Mohammed stemmed from information gathered by the FBI, not the CIA. The arrangement collapsed after US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin withdrew the plea deal.
Bibliography
Khan, Azmat. "John Rizzo: CIA’s Enhanced Interrogation “Necessary and Effective." Frontline, 13 Sept. 2011, www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/article/john-rizzo-cias-enhanced-interrogation-necessary-and-effective. Accessed 4 Sept. 2024.
Linzer, Dafna, and Julie Tate. "New Light Shed on CIA’s 'Black Site' Prisons."The Washington Post, 28 Feb. 2007, www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/02/27/AR2007022702214.html. Accessed 31 Sept. 2023.
Peralta, Eyder. "AP: Black Site Where CIA Held Al-Qaida Operatives Was in Plain View." NPR, 8 Dec. 2011, www.npr.org/blogs/thetwo-way/2011/12/08/143372501/ap-black-site-where-cia-held-al-qaida-operatives-was-in-plain-view. Accessed 31 Mar. 2011.
Priest, Dana. "CIA Holds Terror Suspects in Secret Prisons." The Washington Post, 2 Nov. 2005, www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/11/01/AR2005110101644.html. Accessed 31 Mar. 2011.
Rosenberg, Carol. "War Crimes Hearing Gives Public Virtual Look Inside a Secret C.I.A. Prison." New York Times, 17 June 2024, www.nytimes.com/2024/06/17/us/politics/hearing-hidden-secret-cia-prison.html. Accessed 4 Sept. 2024.
Siems, Larry. "Inside the CIA’s Black Site Torture Room." The Guardian, 9 Oct. 2017, www.theguardian.com/us-news/ng-interactive/2017/oct/09/cia-torture-black-site-enhanced-interrogation. Accessed 25 Sept. 25, 2023.
Tayler, Letta, and Elisa Epstein. "Legacy of the 'Dark Side.'" Human Rights Watch, 9 Jan. 2022, www.hrw.org/news/2022/01/09/legacy-dark-side. Accessed 4 Sept. 2024.