Hazing

Abstract

Hazing can be categorized in three increasingly serious ways: subtle hazing, harassment hazing, and bodily harm hazing. Typically, hazing takes the form of an initiation ritual in which members of an outgroup attempt to become members of an ingroup through secretive and often legally questionable behavior. Hazing's history in Western culture can be traced back at least to the Greeks, and its influence is still felt in colleges, universities, high schools, and middle schools in the twenty-first century. Though hazing was once hailed as obsolete in American education, forty-four states had varying degrees of laws against it as of 2023; however, it continues to occur even as it has been driven deeper underground (StopHazing, 2023). Experts agree that hazing is often the result of a dangerous mixture of peer pressure, a need for revenge from former hazed students, the desire to be part of a group, and a code of silence that protects perpetrators. Most psychologists believe that hazing can only be eliminated through the creation of school cultures that respect inclusion and teamwork and value the unique contributions to be made by all students.

Overview

The first task in understanding hazing is to get a clear sense of what the word means. As writers such as Riordan (2007) have noted,

The term "hazing" connotes a variety of meanings to different people. To most higher education administrators, it is unconscionable and a practice that should be eradicated. To most parents or community members, it is difficult to comprehend something practiced by unruly college students. To the perpetrators and victims, it is often a "rite of passage" that accompanies becoming a new member of a team or organization (Riordan, 2007).

Hazing, as distinguished from benign initiation rituals, perhaps is best defined as "any activity expected of someone joining or participating in a group that humiliates, degrades, abuses, or endangers them[,] regardless of a person's willingness to participate" (Allan & Madden, 2006, p. 14). According to Mothers Against School Hazing, an organization that pushed anti-hazing legislation in the early 2000s, there are three levels of hazing:

• Subtle Hazing: ". . . actions that are against accepted and organization standards of conduct, behavior and good taste. An activity or attitude directed toward a student or an act which ridicules, humiliates, and/or embarrasses."
• Harassment Hazing: ". . . anything that causes anguish or physical discomfort to a student...any activity directed toward a student or activity which confuses, frustrates or causes undue stress."
• Bodily Harm Hazing: ". . . any form of action that may cause physical punishment, or any action that may cause bodily harm and/or touching in private places and/or declothing of a student" (Mothers Against School Hazing, 2005)

The practice of hazing dates back to ancient Greece (McDaniel, 1914), if not earlier, and it attracted the disapproving attention of Plato and St. Augustine, among others. Justinian's law code of 529–34 CE banned the hazing of new law students, and the University of Paris in the fourteenth century began expelling students found guilty of hazing. German Protestant reformer Martin Luther was hazed while a student at the beginning of the sixteenth century, and by 1657, students at Harvard (which had only opened in 1636) were being fined for hazing ("Chronology," 2004).

Hazing in American education continued through the nineteenth century. The most infamous cases of hazing during that time involved the United States Military Academy at West Point, which has a long history of initiation rituals for incoming cadets—"new cadets sweep out the rooms and shovel the snow," wrote General Ramsey in 1814—though the initiation rituals became what people would recognize as hazing rituals as the nineteenth century progressed ("A Century's," 1908, p. SM3).

The Early History of Hazing in the United States. There was widespread newspaper coverage of hazing at West Point in the 1870s ("West Point," 1873, p. 8), and students faced expulsion or court martial if found guilty. Sadly, the practice continued, and in 1891, the New York Times reported on a series of cadet expulsions, noting that "the disgraced youngsters—or several of them, at least—being the very ones who had fallen prey to the barbarism of those who had been dismissed the preceding year" ("Normal Students," 1891, p. 1).

Hazing also spilled over into public education. In 1880, there was a shooting at a prep school known as the Highland Falls Academy in which a student who thought he was being hazed shot a fellow student ("Buck's Cowardly," 1880, p. 7). Sensing that hazing was a concern to parents, boys' prep schools began including in their newspaper advertisements a promise that there was no hazing on their campuses ("Classified ad," 1882, p. 2). But the hazing problem had spread to unlikely locations such as East Hampton Williston Seminary in Springfield, Massachusetts, where in February 1882, students confessed to kidnapping a fellow student, and "the School Trustees are determined to push the prosecution so as to break up the hazing evil" ("Williston students," 1882, p. 8). At Harvard, in 1883, the president delivered a speech in which he sounded the optimistic note that, in paraphrasing a New York Times reporter, "no student who means to be a self-respecting gentleman would think of practicing the senseless tricks of former days" ("Character-forming," 1883, p. 3).

Still, hazing continued. In February 1886, several students were expelled from the State Normal School in Kutztown, Pennsylvania, because they "bound and gagged one of their fellow-students. . . took him to an upper room and painted his face black, telling him that if he attempted to make a noise he would be severely beaten" ("Students expelled," 1886, p. 1). In 1891, at the State Normal Training School in New York, a gang of 23 male students assaulted fellow male students who had escorted female students home from classes, throwing the gentleman callers over fences and dousing them with water ("Normal students in disgrace," 1891, p. 1); a day later, the students were cleared of hazing charges after the women involved came to their defense ("Normal students reinstated," 1891b, p. 4).

The Booz Inquiry. But in 1900, the hazing at West Point had spiraled out of control. Often first-year cadets were compelled to fight fourth-year cadets, and the outcome of such mismatches was generally unfortunate for the first-year cadet. In 1898, a new cadet, Oscar Booz, was subjected to repeated ridicule because he read the Bible, as well as physical abuse such as being forced to drink bottle after bottle of Tabasco sauce and being severely beaten in a boxing match with a formidable upperclassman. Booz withdrew from West Point after only four months and died of tuberculosis of the larynx eighteen months later. His parents blamed his fellow cadets for their son's death, and a formal congressional court of inquiry—nicknamed the Booz Inquiry—was formed by President William McKinley in December 1900.

The Booz Inquiry revealed that even Cadet Douglas Macarthur, son of Civil War hero Gen. Arthur Macarthur Jr., and Cadet Ulysses S. Grant, grandson of the former president, were guilty of hazing ("Hazing students fainted," 1900, p. 3). Grant testified that he himself was hazed through an excessive amount of exercise, such as having to hold a dumbbell in his outstretched arm for 5-6 minutes at a time. Some outraged senators and congressional representatives spoke of dissolving West Point entirely and returning military training to the states ("Senators," 1901, p. 6). In May 1901, the congressional representatives found no connection between Booz's death and the West Point hazing, though several West Point students found guilty of hazing were thrown out.

Hazing also captured the attention of the public, including one citizen who wrote a letter to the editor of the New York Times in January 1901 during the height of the Booz Inquiry. The writer argued that it is easy to stop hazing, assuming the will to do so exists:

The real difficulty is that [college officers], like the public generally, habitually regard hazing as an amusing, boyish prank. Hazing is, in fact, the crime of assault. That crime should be treated, when it occurs in a college or school, just as it is treated when it occurs elsewhere. ("How to stop hazing," 1901, p. 6)

Despite the public outcry and even legislation in states such as Ohio ("Hazing made criminal," 1906) to make hazing illegal after hazed students died, hazing was hardly snuffed out in the nation's colleges and high schools. It was still seen by many boys and even some girls ("Alpha girls," 1910, p. 18) as a rite of passage. According to one British observer, Americans were particularly adept at it:

Bullying is fairly common both in the English and in the continental schools. Usually, however, it is instinctive and unpremeditated. In America, it is accompanied by a considerable amount of forethought and conscious will-power. Instinct by itself is powerful, but when accompanied by deliberate effort it becomes still more so; hence the systematic thoroughness that characterizes the American hazing (Dewe, 1907, p. 198).

Hazing Becomes Unpopular. By the 1940s and 1950s, it became accepted wisdom that hazing had become almost obsolete on college and university campuses because of three factors:

• A sober assessment of the deaths that took place in the 1920s;
• Students' greater appreciation of their place in an increasingly competitive educational environment; and
• The influx of returning soldiers from World War II, who, as new college freshmen, "believed that nothing could top their experiences in European foxholes and Pacific jungles and were reluctant to allow sophomores who had escaped military service to try" (Tolchin, 1958, p. 20).

The trend of colleges and universities was to ban hazing, replacing it with mentoring programs and other methods to bring underclassmen and upperclassmen together through a series of more positive interactions. This is not to say, however, that hazing ceased to exist in America's colleges and universities (see Allan & Madden, 2006), though it is fair to say that the harsh light of public scrutiny has driven such activities further underground.

However, the hazing that once filled the lives of college freshmen with fear continued to take root and again began to thrive on high school campuses in the late twentieth century. The primary vectors of activity were high school athletic teams and members of other clubs, such as high school fraternities and sororities, the descendants of the literary clubs of the nineteenth century, which picked up hazing habits from their collegiate namesakes (Graebner, 1987).

Hazing in the Twenty-First Century. Among high school students surveyed at the beginning of the twenty-first century by Allan and Madden (2006), the most common forms of hazing included being

• yelled or screamed at (17 percent of all students),
• forced into extreme weather (11 percent),
• deprived of sleep (11 percent),
• forced to engage in drinking games (11 percent), and
• forced to drink alcohol until passing out or getting sick (9 percent).

Among collegiate survey respondents (Allan & Madden, 2008), the most common forms of hazing experienced in the early twenty-first century were:

• participation in drinking games (26 percent),
• public singing or chanting, either alone or in a selected group (17 percent),
• selective association with others (12 percent),
• excessive alcohol consumption (12 percent),
• sleep deprivation (11 percent),
• yelling, screaming, or cursing by other members (10 percent), and
• excessive non-alcoholic beverage consumption (10 percent).

Overall, 47 percent of high school students and 55 percent of college students in those specific surveys reported that they had been subjected to some form of hazing (Allen & Madden, 2008). A 2000 study by Hoover and Pollard found that over 1.5 million American high school students experienced hazing in a given school year, with 61 percent being hazed for the first time between the ages of thirteen and fifteen. When the figures were broken down, 24 percent of students were hazed to join sports teams, and 15 percent were hazed to join a peer group/gang (Hoover & Pollard, 2000). In a 2017 poll conducted by the market and data firm YouGov, 22 percent of respondents between the ages of eighteen and thirty-four said that they had experienced hazing themselves or had witnessed the hazing of others in high school; 11 percent of this age group reported experiencing hazing or seeing others hazed in college (McCarriston, 2017). After the death of four college students in incidents of hazing rituals on campuses throughout the country in 2017 alone, the Chronicle of Higher Education reported that hazing-related deaths occurred on or within the proximity of campuses approximately every year by that point (Tolela Myers, 2018). As the twenty-first century progressed, and despite increased media attention and high-profile cases such as the case of Stone Foltz, who died in a hazing incident at Bowling Green University, hazing continued to be a social issue. Hazing continued to be a problem on high school and college campuses, but as the Foltz case shows, hazing was particularly troublesome in Greek life—fraternities and sororities (YouGov, 2022).

Increased Violence. One disturbing trend in the twenty-first century was that incidents of hazing became more violent: "Hazing has changed from the goofy high jinks of the 50's and 60's to something that is remarkably brutal and vicious," said Gary Powell, a hazing expert in Cincinnati who writes a legal newsletter for schools fraternities. "Like society itself, it's become more violent" (cited in Jacobs, 2000). For example, Robert Champion Jr., a Florida A&M University student, was beaten to death in a 2011 drum corps initiation that went horribly wrong; over a dozen people were charged in connection with Champion's death (Glovin, 2013). Hazing also became more sexually violent, with rape, attempted rape, and sodomy with objects increasingly common, particularly among sports teams (Cairney, 2013). Findings from Allan and Madden (2008) also showed that being forced to perform sex acts with someone of the opposite sex was among the twelve most commonly reported hazing behaviors. This troublesome trend did not disappear in the 2010s and 2020s. Students who experienced this type of hazing were also reluctant to speak about their experiences, so the percentage of these incidents was believed to be higher than reported (Denver Post, 2023).

Data also showed that the victims and perpetrators of youth violence were getting younger. According to Hoover and Pollard (2000), about one-quarter of initial hazing incidents took place before or around age thirteen, before students even reach high school. This hazing often received less media attention than high-profile college hazing incidents that peppered the news in the 2010s and 2020s. As one researcher put it, "There is something terribly wrong with our society when abuse becomes a means of bonding" (Hoover, cited in Jacobs, 2000).

Reducing Hazing at School. Experts agree that the long-term solution to reducing hazing in schools across the United States is to replace an in-group/out-group culture with one that is more inclusive and welcoming for all students. An example of "productive hazing" took place at the all-male Wabash College near Indianapolis, where freshman fraternity pledges walked around campus tipping their caps to upperclassmen as a show of respect and campus unity (Woo, 2006, p. A6). Still, it is highly unlikely that groups such as fraternities will eschew traditional hazing in favor of actions such as these.

Applications

Warning Signs of Hazing. According to researchers, there are numerous identifiable characteristics of hazing:

• Pleas from members that it's "tradition"
• Aggressive or intimidating leaders
• Use of alcohol
• Secrecy
• Peer pressure for everyone to participate
• Singling out an individual or specific group
• A sense that something is not quite right
• No easy way to remove oneself from the situation (Lipkins, 2006; Purdue, n.d.)

Why Do Students Engage in Hazing? Hoover and Pollard (2000) interviewed high school students who had participated in hazing to better understand their motivations, which ranged from excitement to revenge:

Group bonding—the second most popular reason given for participating in hazing—can be provided through more positive alternatives such as those listed below. Curiously, the need to belong to a group also plays a role for the hazing victim. Dr. Rachel Lauer, a psychologist who has studied hazing, remarks that many students were submitted to treatment they knew to be wrong in order to belong to a group. "In addition to companionship and comfort, there's a certain amount of prestige in belonging . . . the harder it is to get it in, the more prestigious it is" (as cited in Jacobs, 2000).

The other reasons—"I just went along with it" and "I was scared to say no"—must be addressed by creating a climate where students believe it is "cool" to break the code of silence that so often surrounds hazing. As Allan and Madden (2008) found, 69 percent of college-aged survey respondents knew of hazing, 24 percent had witnessed it, 91 percent of those who had been hazed refused to recognize it as such, and of those who did recognize having been hazed, 95 percent did not report it. About one-third indicated feeling greater affiliation with the group after their hazing experience, and more than one-fifth reported a greater sense of accomplishment. Such factors illustrate how difficult it is to break the code of silence (Lipkins, 2006).

Finally, the reason "I wanted revenge" shows the vicious cycle that is created when the hazed becomes the hazer.

Breaking the Code of Silence. Experts agree that the only effective way of reducing or eliminating instances of hazing in schools is to eliminate the code of silence surrounding such activities. As noted above, even when students have knowledge of hazing activities, they are extremely unwilling to share that information with school authorities. This is the negative power of peer pressure at work.

However, as hazing researcher Susan Lipkins (2006) notes, not saying something might prove to be a big mistake:

Not To Tell: this seems to be the simplest decision. After all, many parents might even advise you to "not get involved." The positive part of this choice is that you are not exposed and do not feel guilty for causing any problems for others. It may also protect you from the media or legal issues. The downside is that some people may be seriously injured, including you. Ignoring, avoiding, or denying the pain and suffering will not make it go away. You may heal,but the scars and after effects may go on for a long time. Even if you do not report the incident consequences may occur, such as a death, so that you will become part of an investigation. You cannot predict what may happen after a hazardous hazing (Lipkins, 2006). Further, in the age of the Internet and social media, keeping incidents quiet has become almost impossible.

The decision to break the code of silence is often difficult and not without its downsides, such as ostracism and even physical confrontation by those engaged in the hazing.

Alternatives to Hazing. As McKown (1924) noted nearly a century ago, hazing creates a hostile environment for incoming students. He warned that hazing runs counter to a positive school culture in which the student feels comfortable and is conducive to learning. He further notes that the cycle is perpetuated over the course of the victim's school career:

[Hazing] places a wrong emphasis at a most critical time in the life of the pupil. Such pranks are self-perpetuating because it is natural for an individual who has been a victim to victimize others. So the Freshman, when he becomes a Sophomore, takes delight in hazing the new Freshman, often carrying the treatment far beyond what he received. Thus is this vicious circle ever widened (McKown, 1924, p. 668).

A successful method of reducing hazing is finding positive ways to build community among students. These activities can include:

• Community service projects
• Mentoring
• Entertainment (talent show, karaoke, etc.)
• Sharing a meal
• Study groups
• Road trips
• Hazing-free initiations to campus clubs
• Sporting activities

The good news is that research shows high student interest in such activities (Hoover & Pollard, 2000).

Anti-Hazing Laws. By 2023, forty-four of the fifty states and Washington, DC, had enacted anti-hazing laws (StopHazing, 2023). State laws varied as to whether hazing was punishable as a misdemeanor or a felony. Beyond imposing a combination of penalties and jail time for those who conduct hazing itself, states such as Texas also hold those who remain silent about hazing accountable under the law. Mothers Against Hazing pushed for federal legislation in the early 2000s. In 2012, there was a discussion of proposing a federal anti-hazing bill that would strip students found guilty of hazing of their federal financial aid for a year; however, interest groups for the nation's fraternities and sororities opposed the measure (Glovin, 2013). The deaths of four college students during hazing-related incidents that involved excessive drinking in 2017, particularly that of Penn State sophomore Timothy Piazza, drew an especially large amount of attention to the issue, particularly as charges were brought and trials were planned regarding many of those involved, and many hoped that greater legal action may result (Biemiller, 2018). In late 2018, the governor of Pennsylvania signed a new bill that increased the maximum penalty for hazing, making it a felony.

In 2021, the REACH Act was introduced as potential federal legislation to confront the problem of hazing on college campuses. The REACH Act—Report and Educate About Campus Hazing Act—would update the 1965 Higher Education Act and bring anti-hazing legislation into the twenty-first century. Though several states have passed similar legislation at the state level, the REACH Act, a bipartisan bill, remained unpassed in 2022 (Cery Center, 2022).

Terms & Concepts

Bodily Harm Hazing: The most severe type of hazing, which involves actions that might cause physical harm or injury or involves inappropriate touching or the removal of clothing.

Code of Silence: A conviction among a particular group that it is socially unacceptable to tell those outside the group about the nature of the group's activities.

Harassment Hazing: A type of hazing that involves activities designed to frustrate another student or cause him or her undue stress.

Hazing: An activity by one or more students that "humiliates, degrades, abuses, or endangers" other students.

In-group: A group in which members feel a sense of loyalty and devotion to other members of the group.

Initiation Ritual: A set of practices that an individual is required to perform in order to become a member of a group.

Out-group: A group toward which students feel contempt or dislike.

Peer Pressure: The pressure that a peer group exerts to encourage a member of the group to modify their social, ethical, moral, or even political views. Often considered to be negative, it can also take positive forms.

Subtle Hazing: The mildest form of hazing in which the objective of a group is to ridicule, humiliate, or embarrass those of an out-group who may or may not wish to join the in-group.

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Suggested Reading

Hinkle Smith, S., & Stellino, M. (2007). Cognitive dissonance in athletic hazing: The roles of commitment and athletic identity. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 29, S169–S170. Retrieved September 2, 2007 from EBSCO Online Database Education Research Complete. http:// search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=25216412&site=ehost-live

Honeycutt, C. (2005). Hazing as a process of boundary maintenance in an online community. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 10, 3. Retrieved October 18, 2007, from http://jcmc.indiana.edu/vol10/issue2/honeycutt.html.

Leon, P.W. (2000). Bullies and cowards: The West Point hazing scandal, 1898–1901. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

Lipkin, S. (2006). Preventing hazing: How parents, teachers, and coaches can stop the violence, harassment, and humiliation. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

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