Biological and Psychological Theories of Deviance

Many psychological theories of deviance are inextricably linked to biological conditions of the human body and mind. Characteristics of deviants, such as poor self-control, impulsivity, aggression, lack of empathy, thrill-seeking, and poor reasoning and verbal skills, all may have a biological component that predisposes an individual to antisocial behavior. Scientific methodologies, such as magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), provide additional insights into the relationship between biology, psychology, and learning as they relate to deviance and criminality. Regardless of causation, poor parenting skills, child abuse, parental criminal history, and lower verbal IQ scores, are important elements in the development of deviant and delinquent behaviors.

Keywords Delinquency; Empirical; Neurology; Operant Theory; Predisposition; Psychopathy; Social Control Theory; Social Learning Theory

Deviance & Social Control > Biological & Psychological Theories of Deviance

Overview

The debate of nature versus nurture is a central theme in any review of psychological theories of deviance. Is a person born bad, or is it by interacting with others that an individual fails to learn acceptable social behavior? In part, the answer to that question depends upon the focus one brings to the issue. Experts in genetics, neurology, and related biological sciences tend to develop perspectives based upon more innate physical qualities that impact human behavior. Social scientists and psychologists tend to focus on human interactions as a basis of social development. Some individual scholars view one factor as causal in terms of deviance and criminality, while others seek a more integrated theoretical analysis that looks at several factors. For example, although a detailed analysis of the causes of sexual offending is beyond the scope of this article, Ward and Beecher (2008) provide a useful integrated theory that includes genetic predisposition; adverse developmental experiences (such as child abuse, rejection); psychological dispositions/trait factors (interpersonal problems, mental disorders); social and cultural structures and process (sexism, masculinity, and other learned behaviors); and contextual factors (such as stress or intoxication). While their theoretical framework is related to sexual offending exclusively, it could also be helpful in the development of theories of violent crime in general. Thus, although the balance of this article looks at the various factors individually, it is important to appreciate the complexity and interconnectedness of biological and psychological theories of deviance and criminality.

Because so many factors pertaining to our physical existence impact our brains and emotional responses, some biological theories of deviance and criminality deserve mention in this look at psychological theories. Biochemical theories of deviance might consider how allergies, vitamin deficiencies, lead poisoning, hypoglycemia, low brain serotonin, alcohol consumption, or responses to drugs like Prozac, for example, could affect an individual's propensity toward deviant or criminal behavior. For example, studies on animals relate high levels of dopamine and norepinephrine to impulsive or reactive acts of aggression (Raine, 1995). It may be the case, then, that no one cause or condition explains criminal deviance.

Further Insights

Biological Factors in Deviance

The Frontal Cortex

Studies of brain conditions and development also provide some compelling research on the development of antisocial behavior. Raine (1995) and her colleagues surveyed the literature and set forth two areas of the brain that may relate to antisocial behavior: the frontal cortex and the left hemisphere. The frontal cortex regulates aggression, self-control, social judgment, concentration, and intellectual flexibility, while the left hemisphere of the brain governs "functions of language, verbal comprehension, and expressive speech" (p. 53). Studies of adults and delinquent youth show lower verbal IQ scores, suggesting that they may have a left hemisphere dysfunction. Based on magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) studies, scientists believe that the brain of a juvenile is less developed than that of an adult, especially in the front lobe, which is responsible for executive, high order functioning, such as memory, planning, and inhibition. Bower and others suggested that this condition presents some juveniles with difficulties in "regulating aggression, long-range planning, mental flexibility, abstract thinking, the capacity to hold in mind related pieces of information, and perhaps moral judgment" (2004). In addition to the recent findings on children's apparently inherent diminished brain functioning capacity, MRI research suggests that exposure to violent video games and television might negatively impact frontal lobe development and function ("Playing With," 2003; Phillips, 2004). Because of these findings, advocates within the juvenile justice field, such as the Human Rights Watch, are pressuring politicians and judicial leaders to reconsider harsh, punitive measures when sentencing juvenile violent offenders.

Neurology

Neurology, the study of the nervous system, also may provide some insights into the psychological aspects of deviance and criminality. In their review of this literature, Raine and her colleagues point to two major areas of consideration based upon studies of psychopaths, defined as people who exhibit aggressive, violent thoughts and actions and who lack empathy (1995). "Arousal theory" suggests that "antisocial individuals are pathologically under-aroused physiologically, as indicated by low heart rate, low skin conductance, excessive slow-wave electroencephalographic (EEG) activity" (Raine, 1995, p. 52). Individuals with this condition are "less sensitive to the subtle cues required for learning prosocial behavior" and the condition may "impair the classic conditioning of emotional responses thought to be important in conscience formation and avoidance learning" (Raine, 1995, p. 52-53). Arguably, then, the violent behavior might be a mechanism for seeking stimulation or, in the alternative, the individual may not experience violence or stress as something negative and to be avoided. Similar arguments can be made in relation to the second theoretical framework discussed by Raine, "impulse/motivational systems analysis" (p. 51-52). Briefly stated, this theoretical framework argues that psychopaths have a heightened desire for rewards, along with a reduced perception of the risks of punishment. Arguably, this hyper-focus on "reward may also interfere with learning the cues that lead to punishment" (p. 52). Conversely, by being unable to feel anxiety and stress as it relates to punishment, these individuals have an increased likelihood of acting in antisocial or criminal ways.

Extraversion & Neuroticism

Another important look at the interplay between psychological and physiological causes of deviance was set forth by Eysenck in the late 1940s. Eysenck employed statistical analysis to personality studies and determined that high and low levels of two factors were at play in a person's likelihood of exhibiting deviant behavior: "extraversion," which was related to a person's ability to enjoy positive social events; and "neuroticism," which referred to a tendency to experience negative emotions. According to Eysenck's analysis, the neurotic extraverts were the most likely individuals to develop into criminals since they would have difficulty socializing with other children and, as a consequence, not learn acceptable social conduct or be able to adhere to it. Although counterintuitive, Eysenck argued that because the introverts' brain arousal was more active, they sought less stimulation from social or criminal conduct, while extroverts needed the stimulation of highly social or dangerous behaviors. In the 1970s, Eysenck added levels of "psychoticism" to his scale, arguing that psychotics exhibit aggressive, cold, and impersonal behavior that can lead to interpersonal conflicts and criminal conduct (Eysenck, 1989). Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) criticized Eysenck's work, arguing that his personality dimensions overlapped conceptually and that they could not be measured independently from the behavior that they were meant to describe. Like so many other personality scales developed during the twentieth century, Eysenck and his colleagues had apparently included questions about criminal conduct and violence in their questionnaires, and they concluded that whichever traits the criminal respondents exhibited were proof of criminal tendencies.

Other Personality Traits

Another major contribution on personality traits was by Wilson and Herrnstein (1985). They concluded that individuals with criminal and violent personalities exhibited the following characteristics: assertiveness, fearlessness, aggressiveness, unconventionality, extroversion, poor socialization, psychopathy, schizophrenia, hypomania, hyperactivity, impulsiveness, and left-handedness. Other scales include lower empathy, risk taking, and an external locus of control as additional personality traits that evidence criminality (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990). Since questions on these scales related to past criminality and acts of violence, however, these studies fall into the same methodological problems of labeling individuals with criminal pasts as having criminal personality traits.

In their general theory of criminality, Gottfredson and Hirschi argued that self-control factors are the most powerful predictors of deviance and crime (1990). Committing a crime is easy, exciting, and offers immediate gratification. Similarly, it takes little or no planning and does not require any long term commitment or ongoing interpersonal negotiations. Finally, since criminals exhibit little empathy with or consideration for the needs of their victims, the resulting harm to the victim does not disrupt the perpetrator's criminal urges. Gottfredson and Hirschi suggested that two factors are related to an individual's inability to control their behavior: ineffective parenting and biology. Similarly, Hardwick has argued that although parental supervision plays an important role in the development of self-control, biological factors appear to play the most significant role in the relationship between deviance and self-control (2007).

In the theoretical frameworks discussed above, biological factors either exacerbated or diminished cues in such a manner as to cause antisocial or deviant behavior. In some ways, Freud's psychoanalytic theory of personality development describes a similar internal process, possibly because he was a neurophysiologist. According to Freud, human nature is inherently antisocial and lacks feelings of guilt, with sexual desire serving as the motivational force of the psyche. Freud labeled this psychological essence as the id. Through interactions with other human beings, a well-developed child forms a superego, or a moral conscience that helps him or her learn the parameters of acceptable social behavior. If the superego should become overdeveloped, according to Freud's theoretical framework, the individual exhibits an unhealthy desire for punishment. On the other hand, an underdeveloped superego fails to regulate the strong antisocial urges of the id. Negotiating between the id and the superego is the rational ego, which regulates the demands for instant gratification of the id with acceptable behavior (Vito, Maahs, & Holmes, 2006). Freud was focused on the internal process of psyche development, while the balance of the psychological theories of deviance discussed below focus on the interactions of the individual with others. In other words, the focus is turning to "nurture," or the lack thereof, as a cause of deviant behavior.

Psychological Disorders & Deviance

Numerous psychological disorders can lead to deviance and criminality. Passive aggressive disorder, for example, occurs when an individual buries feelings of resentment of an authority figure and then channels those feelings into other behaviors, such as procrastination, forgetfulness, or harmfulness that seems accidental ("Passive Aggressive," 2008). Impulse control disorders involve strong, sudden urges that the individual cannot control. These disorders may lead to pyromania (fire-setting), kleptomania (stealing), or aggressive and violent outbursts (intermittent explosive disorder) (Impulse Control Disorder, 2007). Borderline personality disorder involves extreme mood swings and difficulty controlling emotions and impulses. Individuals suffering a borderline episode may change their careers, friends, and lifestyle suddenly and act violently if he or she feels abandoned or betrayed (Borderline Personality Disorder, 2006). Cognitive disorders involve the mental processing of information. Individuals suffering from cognitive disorders may be confused, forgetful, and exhibit impaired awareness, reasoning, and judgment (Cognitive Disorders, 2006). Dissociative disorders "occur when people frequently escape reality by suppressing their memories or taking on other identities (Dissociative Disorders , 2008, p. 1). It is believed to be a coping mechanism when stress or trauma is unbearable. In rare instances, individuals develop dissociative identity disorder, which was formerly known as multiple personality disorder. In these instances, the individual has two or more distinct identities that control their thoughts and behaviors at different times. This condition is most frequently associated with extreme childhood trauma, such as sexual, emotional, or physical abuse.

People with antisocial personality disorder (APD) formerly were called sociopaths or psychopaths. Adolescents who have these same characteristics are labeled as having a conduct disorder. APD appears to occur in about 3 perent of the general population, and between 20 percent and 25 percent of the prison population. The personality characteristics of APD include a failure to conform to social norms, lying, cheating, stealing, exploiting and manipulating others, lack of remorse, absence of anxiety, self-centeredness, recklessness and impulsivity, and aggressiveness (Vito, 2006). These individuals can be superficially charming, but they have an inconsistent work history, poor judgment, and are financially irresponsible, sexually promiscuous, and irresponsible parents. Punishment does not seem to be effective as they cannot learn from past experiences and continuously exhibit poor judgment (Vito, 2006). Schizophrenia, attention deficit disorder, and some forms of psychosis, such as having hallucinations or delusions, may also play a role in deviance. All of the psychological disorders discussed above may have some biological component as well, such as a head injury, sleep deprivation, substance abuse, brain injury, or dementia.

Learning Theories of Crime

Although biological aspects play an important role in psychological theories of deviance, learning theories of crime have dominated the professional literature as well. The most prominent theoretical framework has been social learning theory. It holds that children can learn inappropriate or deviant forms of behavior, either through the modeling of negative behavior or through repeated reinforcement of negative behavior that thus increases its frequency. Consequently, many studies focus on parenting aspects of child rearing and criminality. Gottfredson and Hirschi offered that "all of the characteristics associated with low self-control tend to show themselves in the absence of nurturance, discipline, or training" (1990, p. 95). At a minimum, they argued, in order to teach self-control, a parent must be able to: " monitor a child's behavior; recognize deviant behavior when it occurs; and punish such behavior" (p. 97). Unfortunately, many parents are not able to perform these responsibilities, possibly in part because they lack self-control themselves. One of the most telling aspects of this parenting research, for example, is that "the parents of delinquents are unusually likely to have criminal records themselves" (p. 97). Many of the interventions to reduce juvenile criminal rates, therefore, focus on teaching parenting skills in high-risk families and communities.

Similarly, Glueck and Glueck (1950) have argued that harsh and inconsistent parenting can lead to child delinquency. More specifically, if parents ignore inappropriate behavior, are inconsistent with punishment when it occurs (or threaten punishment but do not follow through with it), their children are more likely to engage in delinquent behavior as they grew older. Patterson argued that if parents effectively monitored, punished, and reinforced behaviors, their children would not become delinquent (1996). Wilson's study of delinquency in Birmingham, England, for example, concluded that when parents exercised "chaperonage" they significantly lowered the risk of their children becoming delinquent (1980). Chaperonage was defined as parents keeping a close watch on their children and sheltering them from negative aspects of neighborhood life. This was accomplished by escorting children to and from school and forbidding them to play with troublemakers. In her analysis, however, Judith Rich Harris argued that peer influences rather than parental behavior affect a child's long-term development toward delinquency (Gladwell, 1998).

From her studies of abused and neglected children, Widom concluded "that childhood victimization increases the likelihood of delinquency, adult criminality, and violent criminal behavior" (1992, p. 254). Widom followed child abuse victims for twenty years, along with a matched control group of individuals, and concluded that "being abused or neglected as a child increases a person's risk for an arrest as a juvenile by 53 percent, as an adult by 38 percent, and for a violent crime by 38 percent" (p. 255). Similarly, although males in general have a higher rate of criminal behavior than women, abused or neglected women in Widom's study faced a 77 percent greater risk of adult arrest than the women in the control group who did not face abuse or neglect (p. 256). In addition to being much more likely to commit violent offenses toward others, Widom's findings concluded that victims of childhood abuse and neglect were at a much greater risk of harming themselves as well. Surveying the role of neglect on language development, psychosocial development, empathic responsiveness, attention deficits, and poorer emotional stability, Widom also concluded that neglect — defined as intentionally failing to provide the material, medical, emotional, psychological, and educational resources necessary to a child's development — can have as significant a negative impact on a child as actual physical violence in terms of subsequent criminality.

Theoretically speaking, several explanations can be offered for a child learning antisocial behavior. In his theory of differential association, Edwin Sutherland argued that criminal behavior is learned through interactions with others. Just like any other learning process, the individual, through observation and training within intimate personal groups, learns the techniques, motivations, rationalizations, and attitudes of a criminal. The greater the frequency, duration, and intensity of the deviant contact, the greater the likelihood that an individual will engage in criminal conduct as an adult. Since young boys are more likely than young girls to be in gangs that engage in delinquent behavior, Sutherland's theory would explain why more men engage in criminal conduct than women. Although empirical studies of Sutherland's theory demonstrate its credibility as an explanation for some criminal behavior, it does not explain criminal conduct by individuals whose childhoods did not contain criminal influences.

Viewpoints

Other Theories of Deviance

Another theory of deviance is called social control theory (Curran & Renzitti, 1994). It argues that strong attachments to social institutions such as the family, a church, or a school prevent the development of criminal delinquency. Unfortunately, close attachments to youth peers, especially for boys, may enhance the likelihood of deviant conduct.

Operant theory argues that behavior is learned by the consequences that it produces. Thus, criminal behavior is learned through a process of desirable consequences and infrequent punishment. The individual is conditioned to engage in repeated criminal conduct because it offers monetary reward, enhanced reputation, masculine credibility, and group identity reinforcement as some of its many reinforcing assets. If punishment is not seen as likely, swift, effective, and harsh, the learning or conditioning process fails to deter deviant behavior.

Cognitive psychological theories of deviance deal with the thought processes that influence behavior, and these too can be learned. Often criminals rationalize their conduct by arguing that they are not hurting anyone or that the victim "was asking for it." Through cognitive-behavioral programs, criminals are taught to develop empathy, moral reasoning, anger management, and self-control (Vito, Maahs, & Holmes, 2006).

Theories of moral development are also associated with deviance. Kohlberg, who based is work on Piaget's, is the most prominent theoretician pertaining to moral development (1981). Kohlberg argued that ideal moral development occurred in six stages:

• At Stage 1, the individual blindly obeys authority figures in order to avoid punishment. At this level, the interests of others are not a consideration.
• Stage 2 involves furthering one's own interests and considering the interests of others only as a means to one's own ends.
• Stage 3 moral development involves moral reasoning and caring about others.
• Stage 4 has an even more developed sense of right versus wrong and a commitment to social institutions like family and community.
• Stage 5 moral decisions are driven by social contract as one weighs one's own concerns with legal principles and the common good.
• Stage 6 moral development bases decisions on universal, ethical principles, such as justice and human dignity, that span specific legal principles and cultural contexts.

Individuals' morality can develop throughout their lifetimes, according to Kohlberg, and not all individuals reach the later stages of development. Kohlberg has been criticized most effectively by Gilligan, who argued that his framework's focus on justice is a male-centered concern and does not take into account a female developmental focus on the ethics of caring about others (1977).

The intelligence scales used since the early 1990s are another prominent aspect of the psychology of deviance. Gottfredson and Hirschi provided an excellent review of the strengths and weaknesses of this discipline (1990). Early studies by Goddard found that criminals scored high on feeblemindedness, but when the tests were used on World War I draftees, the draftees also scored dismally. Ongoing criticisms have alleged that the tests contain age, class, gender, and ethnicity biases. One aspect of the testing that does seem to have some credibility is that criminals score lower on verbal IQ measurements. This finding is consistent with the brain imaging studies that evidence left hemisphere brain dysfunction in people with records of deviance, as mentioned above. It suggests that criminals may use less internal speech to analyze and plan their conduct. Having a higher verbal IQ helps one understand the consequences of one's actions and provides one with better reasoning skills. It also could be the case, however, that individuals with lower IQ scores are just not smart enough to avoid being caught, resulting in prison populations that test lower for verbal IQ than the general population. Individuals with learning disabilities, especially in reading, also may account for a higher percentage of the prison population, since they perform poorly in school, drop out, and may then become delinquent and eventually criminal.

Conclusion

Clearly, psychological theories of deviance and criminality are a complex mixture of biology and learning issues. With advances in scientific research techniques, such as MRIs, new explanations for deviant behavior are emerging in the literature. Professionals working in this realm have emphasized measurements, scales, testing, and other empirical methodologies since the early 1900s when psychological theories of deviance first emerged from the sociological and criminological literature. This trend is likely to continue.

Terms & Concepts

Delinquency: Unlawful or antisocial acts performed by individuals under the age of 18.

Empirical: Research based upon observation and measurement.

Neurology: The study of the nervous system.

Operant Theory: Operant theory argues that behavior is learned by the consequences that it produces. Thus, criminal behavior is learned through a process of desirable consequences and infrequent punishment.

Predisposition: A tendency or inclination toward a particular behavior or attitude.

Psychopathy: A severe personality disorder entailing antisocial thoughts and behavior.

Social Control Theory: Social control theory argues that strong attachments to social institutions such as the family, a church, or a school prevent the development of criminal delinquency. Unfortunately, close attachments to youth peers, especially for boys, may enhance the likelihood of deviant conduct.

Social Learning Theory: Social learning theory holds that children can learn inappropriate or deviant forms of behavior, either through the modeling of negative behavior or through repeated reinforcement of negative behavior that thus increases its frequency.

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Feldman, P. (1993). The psychology of crime: A social science textbook. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

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