Black Middle Class/Black Underclass Relations

SIGNIFICANCE: Much scholarly debate has taken place on the extent and consequences of the interactions between the Black middle class and Black underclass, in particular, the effect of middle-class presence on the lives of low-income urban Black individuals. A number of theories of urban poverty identify the lack of a connection between the Black underclass and the Black middle class as a factor in the perpetuation of poverty.

The first step in understanding the relationship between the Black middle class and the Black underclass is to examine the concept of the underclass. The meaning and usefulness of the term have been debated frequently among scholars; however, the concept is potentially beneficial because it describes the new form of poverty that exists in urban areas. This inner-city poverty, unlike that of the twentieth century, is characterized by chronic and persistent joblessness, concentration in a particular geographic area, and racial segregation.

The Underclass

The term “underclass” implies a lack of social and economic mobility. Although considerable progress was made toward racial equality in the 1950s and 1960s, some researchers believe that this progress stopped in the early 1970s. As signs of persistent inequality, they cite a growing gap in the incomes of Black and White individuals, lower economic rewards for higher educational attainments on the part of Black individuals, and greater segregation and isolation of the races rather than increased mobility. The concept of an underclass, therefore, they argue, is an appropriate portrayal of urban low-income individuals.

However, regardless of its potential, the term “underclass” has been stigmatized to the point that it has lost much of its usefulness as an analytical tool. Much of the discussion about the underclass does not focus on the structural factors that have segmented this population and constrained its members’ mobility. Instead, the discussion tends to focus on crime and other negative products of poverty. This negative image has diverted attention from scholarly analysis and instead produced racism-tinged discussions of the immorality of low-income individuals. The idea that people are impoverished because of their immorality and unwillingness to work is deeply rooted in American ideology. Many people believe that the United States is a meritocracy, in which all people are rewarded for their hard work on the basis of merit, and that no inequities factor into this equation. Therefore, many Americans equate the underclass with the “undeserving poor.” This emphasis on the supposed immorality and deviance of low-income individuals stigmatizes the underclass and turns urban low-income into scapegoats for many of the nation’s problems. For example, some people believe that economic strain is caused primarily not by changes in the economy or the effects of inflation but by the use of tax money to support the underclass.

The concept of the underclass also evokes images of low-income, young, urban African Americans that often produce feelings of fear, anger, and disdain among members of the White middle and upper classes. Although it is no longer socially acceptable to speak of members of racial minorities in disparaging terms, some of the harsh criticisms of the supposed immorality and criminal tendencies of low-income, inner-city African Americans mask lingering racist attitudes toward Black individuals. The moral and racist connotations of the term “underclass” have made it ineffective as a conceptual framework for understanding the truly disadvantaged and the structural forces that have produced their poverty.

Community

The degree of community believed to exist between the Black middle class and the Black underclass varies. Some scholars suggest that the African American community has diverged so much that the two groups share very little in common. In The Declining Significance of Race (1978), sociologist William Julius Wilson suggests that class, not race, is becoming the fundamental category of stratification in U.S. society. Therefore, he argues that members of the Black middle class have much more in common with their White peers than with the low-income and working-class members of their racial group.

The Declining Significance of Race produced heated debate among academics and numerous scholars who argued that race was still a primary determinant of life opportunities in the United States. They said that although no one could deny the increasing class differentiation within the African American community, the stratification could not be said to measure racial equality. Racial inequality could still be observed in differences between White and Black individuals in income, education, mortality, housing, psychological well-being, and other measures of the quality of life. The Black middle class still suffers from lingering racism and discrimination in spite of civil rights legislation and affirmative action policies. Its increasing prosperity, occurring as it does alongside the severe hardship of the Black underclass, is not a sign of the amelioration of racial discrimination.

Wilson suggests that when segregation was legal, the Black community experienced a much stronger form of class integration. The Black middle class lived and worked among low-income and working-class blacks. The Black middle class provided valuable social and material resources to their less advantaged neighbors. However, with the post-World War II economic boom and the passing of legislation against racial discrimination and segregation, the Black middle class expanded and separated itself from the rest of the community. The class structure within the Black community became more differentiated and hierarchical.

However, researchers warn against forming too communal a view of the segregated ghetto. Closer inspection of historical studies of the Black ghetto during segregation shows that the African American community evidenced a highly stratified society within a compact geographical space. Although they were not totally able to separate themselves from the rest of the Black community, the Black middle class continuously attempted to form discrete enclaves within the geographic area. Without the forced segregation resulting from White racism, the Black middle class would probably have been more successful at separating themselves spatially from low-income and working-class Black individuals. Although researchers agree that the Black middle class lived in close proximity to low-income Black individuals, almost no data exist about the frequency and quality of their interactions.

Implications

Many scholars and community activists hope that the Black middle class will become more involved in improving the opportunities of low-income African Americans. Through mentoring and youth development programs, members of the Black middle class are encouraged to share their knowledge, social networks, and values with Black urban youth. A strong political movement within the African American community is seeking resources to address its social needs. Specifically, the disillusionment with liberal politics has led many African American activists to emphasize themes of empowerment and self-determination. This political agenda, known as Black empowerment, emphasizes the dimensions of class and community. It focuses on the control of land in urban communities, emphasizing the economic and cultural strengthening of African American communities. Such a political agenda requires a strong interclass coalition and a commitment of the Black middle class to share material and social resources.

Bibliography

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