Causes of Social Change

Social change is broadly defined as the transformation of cultural, economic, political and social institutions and relationships over time. Sociologists are interested in identifying how change is initiated; for what or whose purposes and with what consequences. While some aspects of social change create positive results (for instance, democracy and human rights expanded in the aftermath of the American and French revolutions), many have unintended consequences (for instance, the expanded availability of communications technology blurs conventional boundaries between home and work). While social change might seem inevitable, its causes and pace vary over time. While social change in other historical periods was often forced by disease, famine or war, social change in more recent times has been increasingly linked to technology. Technological development is in turn, associated with 'modernization,' a process of social development through which societies move from one set of economic, political and social arrangements (for instance, traditional) to another (for instance, modern). These transitions are not necessarily discrete. For instance, within modern contexts, traditional forms of interaction (such as face-to-face) coexist with technologically directed interaction (such as instant messaging).

Keywords Modernization; Modernity; Globalization; Social Movement; Urbanization; Diachronic; Mechanical Solidarity; Organic Solidarity; Anomie; Alienation

Social Change > Causes of Social Change

Causes of Social Change

Overview

Social change is broadly defined as the transformation of cultural, economic, political and social institutions and relationships over time. Sociologists are interested in identifying how change is initiated, for what or whose purposes and with what consequences. While some aspects of social change create positive results (for instance, democracy and human rights expanded in the aftermath of the American and French revolutions), many have unintended consequences (for instance, the expanded availability of communications technology blurs conventional boundaries between home and work). In fact, not all social groups view and respond to social change as positive. While social change might seem inevitable from a contemporary perspective, its causes and pace vary over time. In past historical periods social change was often forced by disease, famine or war: in modern times, social change has been increasingly linked to technology and the availability of information. Technological development is, in turn, associated with 'modernization,' a process of social development through which societies move from one set of economic, political and social arrangements (for instance, traditional) to another (for instance, modern). These transitions are not necessarily discrete. For instance, within contemporary contexts, traditional forms of interaction (such as face-to-face) coexist with technologically directed interaction (such as instant messaging). Finally, not all social groups appreciate social change. While liberal reformers are typically in favor of social change (because they define social change in terms of social improvement), social conservatives are more hesitant about social change because they are concerned about the loss of tradition, for instance, in relation to authority.

Defining Social Change

Social change is broadly defined as the transformation of cultural, economic, political and social institutions and relationships over time. In order to chart social change, it is necessary to develop a baseline (a point against which all data are measured) and to create reliable instruments of measurement. The general baseline for measuring broad social change in Western societies is the great transformation associated with the Industrial Revolution in England (and later elsewhere) from 1780-1840, and the Democratic Revolutions of the United States in 1776 and of France in 1789 (Lee & Newby, 1989). Both the French and American Revolutions were engendered by and ushered in ideas such as democracy, equality and liberty, which had consequences for social arrangements, institutions and relationships. The spread of Enlightenment thinking (a belief in scientific objectivity and in reason as a counter to superstition and religious dogma) among the European and American educated classes in the eighteenth century created a new spirit of possibility that prompted nineteenth century commentators such as August Comte, Alexis de Tocqueville, Karl Marx and Emile Durkheim to ask questions about the kinds of social changes that might be desirable for society; to explore the causes of social change; and to understand its consequences (Seidman, 1994). Thus, sociology emerged as a discipline focused on identifying, understanding and interpreting the various dimensions of industrial society (Bas, 1999, p. 287) or, of modernity, a period referring to the last two hundred years or so, in which occurred transformations of both space and time (Berman, 1982).

Indeed, at the heart of sociology is a dynamic (or diachronic) view of society as constantly changing in response to certain economic, social or political forces. Sociological analysis seeks to chart such changes and explain why they are occurring. These concerns became especially pressing from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century when traditional social arrangements (such as the authority of the established church and an agrarian way of life) began to shift and were challenged by the emergence of science, technology and mass production (Straus, 2002); when society was shifting from a predominantly rural population organized around subsistence farming to an urban, industrialized population (Bas, 1999). Industrialization brought with it new living arrangements (the growth of cities) and population growth; intellectual and cultural change (through the spread of ideas about democracy and equality via new media, such as penny news sheets); and increasing secularism (as scientific thought challenged religious beliefs). Sociologists drew on and adapted scientific method and created models of social change to explain this broad transformation from 'simple' homogenous societies to 'complex' highly differentiated societies, broadly understood as modernization.

Classical Models of Social Change

In contrast to feudal societies, which remained static for a long period, or which were seen to change in cyclical ways, to be modern is to live with social change and in an environment in which "all that is solid melts into air" (Berman, 1982). However, classical sociologists and social commentators have differed in their explanations for change and in their view of its consequences. First, late eighteenth century Enlightenment thinkers, such as David Hume and Adam Ferguson, argued that scientific reason would stimulate social change for the moral advancement of society. Concomitantly, social change became synonymous with the idea of social progress. Second, Marx saw social change as necessary and as the product of conflict and revolution. He observed that while "philosophers have only interpreted the world, the point is to change it" (1976, p. 5), through a scientific understanding of society, which would, he thought, liberate humanity from the oppression of capitalism and the experience of alienation (Seidman, 1994, p. 48). Third, the French sociologist, Emile Durkheim argued that social change occurs through a process of differentiation in which society moves from mechanical solidarity to organic solidarity. For Durkheim, the pressing problem wrought by modernity was the state of anomie created by social confusion as traditional norms were challenged and changed. These macro-models have been developed to explain broad shifts from one kind of society (agrarian) to another (industrial), and processes of social organization, such as industrialization.

Further Insights

Industrialization & Changes in the Nature of Work

Industrialization — the transformation of a society based primarily on agriculture to one based on manufacture — was associated mainly with changes in technology (e.g. new machines that speeded up and standardized the process of production, especially and initially in the textile industry) and changes in the social organization of production (e.g. the factory system) (Hobsbawm, 1962). Eric Hobsbawm's (1969) history of industrial change shows how a confluence of changes in other industries, such as the introduction of steam power, not only contributed to the invention of new machines, but also stimulated other industries, primarily iron and coal, which all in turn contributed to the growth of the factory system, mechanized labor and a new working rhythm based on clock time rather than on the necessities of seasons and tides (Thompson, 1967). This new emphasis on clock time as the basis of social organization had implications for the experience of work, as people became increasingly subject to the supervision of employers and, later, managers, and a distinct boundary emerged between 'work' and 'home.'

Industrialization largely replaced a tradition where craftsmen made goods in low volumes with a system that focused on volume and predictability (Cossons, 2008). This transformation of work had implications for household arrangements and family relationships. For instance, legislation in nineteenth century England made it progressively more difficult for women and children to participate in factory-based work, contributing to a sexual division of labor buttressed by the emergence of a Victorian ideology of separate spheres (Bradley, 1992). Some feminist sociologists argue that the sexual division of labor continues to have consequences for women's experience of work and employment in the twenty-first century. For instance, while one of the main social changes in Western Europe and in the US since the Second World War has been the expansion of women in the workplace, there are persistent divisions between the kinds of work available to women (and the levels at which it is available) and the pay women receive for their work.

Post-industrial Society & Globalization

Patterns of work and employment have shifted throughout the twentieth and into the twenty-first century. For instance, fewer people now work in manufacturing and the factory system has been largely replaced by other systems (for instance, outsourcing). More recently, manufacturing has been relocated from first world countries to developing countries, leading some researchers to argue that work is becoming increasingly post-industrial and globalized. Post-industrial society refers to social organization that is not industrial (as defined above) and is highly complex. Some sociologists (such as Daniel Bell, in his classic book "The Coming of Postindustrial Society: a Venture in Social Forecasting," 1973) have argued that forms of work that are knowledge dependent have now largely replaced industrialized forms of work that require mechanization and predictability. As Jarvis (2006) notes:

While knowledge-based work have become prevalent, some researchers note that it has taken a form that has continuities with artisan and craftsman occupations. As technology transforms economic life knowledge-based workers are increasingly working outside the confines of large businesses or corporations, to create "specialty goods for an increasingly large pool of customers seeking unique, customized, or niche products" (IFTF, 2008, p. 2).

These and other changes means that work and occupation no longer organize people's identities: rather, as consumption has taken on greater social and cultural significance (Giddens 1991), people are more likely to define themselves in terms of lifestyle and to be reflexive about who they are (Beck, 1992).

Moreover, time and space have become compressed through technological, communication and transport innovations associated with globalization, or "multi-dimensional interactions in all spheres that …involve[s] the international movement of people (including labor), capital and goods (Billson and Fluehr-Loban, 2005, p. 5) and collapse the world into a single place. Globalization makes it possible for capitalism to operate across geographical boundaries (creating a new international division of labor); for people to live in one geographical location and work in another (for instance, through virtual teams); and to participate in political movements in ways that have shaped a global citizenry.

Urbanization

While the Industrial Revolution contributed to the centralization of people and services in large urban spaces, the 'city' itself is not a modern creation, as represented by the legacy of ancient cities of the Roman and Greek Empires and of medieval Europe. However, in modernity, cities grew in terms of both population and size and industrialization processes associated with the development of transport transformed the character of cities. For instance, the development of the US National Railroad (Martinotti, 2007) was a central force in the creation of the metropolis. This innovation supported the transportation of goods, services and people between rural-urban spaces, increasing the concentration of work in urban areas and expanding urban populations (Kaelbe, 1984).

The relocation of mass numbers of people from rural to urban areas transformed social relationships, possibilities for social interaction and norms and values (Mayer, 2006). As Jonathan Raban (1988), observes, the modern city is as much an idea and experience of place as a geographical and concrete entity: people's lives were (and are) shaped by the cities in which they live and vice versa. Many people began to identify themselves as 'New Yorkers' or 'Los Angelinos'. These urban centers also gave birth to the sub-culture of urban gangs — groups of people who defend a territory or area they have carved out as their own. Gangs are generally divided along cultural or racial lines and often come into conflict with each other, giving rise to a specific type of urban violence that is characteristic of modernity. Indeed, the growth of cities in modernity and the urbanized way of life they underpin have contributed to social change through formal political organizations, such as trade unions, and informal organizations, such as social movements.

Viewpoints

Social Movements & Social Change

Social movements are characteristic of modern Western society and indeed, have a long history. For instance, Lakeman (2007) suggests that the first social movement organized around a key issue took place in London, England in 1620:

Yet, while there are many examples of people acting collectively to protest change (e.g. bread riots in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries) social movements tend to be organized efforts by a significant number of people to promote change. Such movements are associated with trade unionism, feminism, gay rights, and environmentalism and in the US, the Civil Rights Movement. These movements typically organize around a particular issue (such as discrimination) or are sparked by a crisis (economic, military). For instance, the civil rights movement was fueled by racial segregation in the Southern US states and used sit-ins, boycotts and nonviolent protests as ways of drawing attention to this persistent segregation (Seidman, 1997). As Susser (2006) notes:

Social movements not only raise awareness of specific issues but also challenge authority and those in power to enact legislation and regulations in order to enforce social change. For instance, the protests involving veterans of the Vietnam War in the 1960s and 1970s resulted in the passing of the Rehabilitation Act of 1974, while disability rights activism resulted in the passage of the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990.

However, political participation in the twenty-first century has been transformed by new media and the capacity of the Internet to "foster new affiliations and stage events" (Kahn & Kellner, 2004, p. 84) in protest again capitalism, such as the "Battle for Seattle" protest against the World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle in 1999 (Wood, 2008). Similarly, social justice and grassroots movements, such as the environmental movement, which addresses the capitalist-industrial system's impact on the environment (Lueck, 2007) are using new media to stimulate, inform and support a global citizenry. As Edmunds and Turner (2005) observe:

New communications introduce new reasons for protest (as global inequalities and injustices are made more visible) and new means of protest (counterpropaganda, co-ordination of protest). Traumatic events are therefore transmitted globally, providing a basis for the creation of a new global generational consciousness (p. 568).

Thus, technology is key to processes of social change.

Technology & Social Change

Today, we think of technology in terms of computers and Blackberries and, perhaps, of technology as a symbol of modern society. Indeed, technological innovations are key to social change and to processes of modernization. For instance, technological changes and influences were crucial to the transformation from agrarian to agricultural society, as new techniques such as crop rotations and agricultural machinery were developed. And in the twentieth century, the development of domestic technology, such as washing machines, microwaves and the vacuum cleaner, have had implications for domestic labor and who does what in the household. However, such change has unanticipated consequences. While it has been argued that domestic technology is labor-saving and reduces the amount of time required for housework (e.g. Gershuny, 2004), some researchers have argued that domestic technology has in fact entrenched the sexual division of labor by increasing the amount of time women spend on domestic work (Bittman, Rice & Wajcman, 2004).

It is only in the latter part of the twentieth century that electronic communications and inventions have dominated new types of social change (Jarvis, 2006). These have led to the creation of the Internet, new forms of communications, e-commerce, the global availability of knowledge and the shrinking of the world in terms of how much information people can access at any one time, and how many people can be simultaneously connected to each other.

Conclusion: Measuring Social Change

Social change is an inevitable part of our lives and our world and perhaps change is occurring too fast for us to make any sense of it. This is especially true in the domain of technological developments. It seems that we're being introduced to new forms of technology on a regular basis, whereas in previous times new innovations and inventions occurred far more slowly, giving people time to acclimate to the new idea(s) and integrate them into their lives. That is no longer the case.

The issue of social change — how to see and understand it — is inevitably tied to questions about the underlying structure of society and of its social institutions; how much variation over time can be measured in this structure; and the degree of continuity that persists (Giddens, 1997). To this end, sociologists have at their disposal a range of methods and instruments to collect data that reveals something about social change. In addition to general models of change, as described above, government surveys, for instance, collect data about household arrangements and consumption patterns (in the UK, the General Household Survey), employment trends (in the US, labor force statistics are collected through the monthly Current Population Survey) or demographic trends (in many Western countries, via the decennial census). These surveys and other forms of data help to build up a picture of social change across time that can be measured and monitored by not only governments, but also other organizations that work to proactively influence social change, through policy recommendations, by implementing programs or creating media content. Analysis of such data suggests that though there are continuities with the past, there are some visible and measurable changes in the way people live and work that point to a broader shift from industrial to postindustrial or postmodern society.

Terms & Concepts

Anomie: A sense of individual meaninglessness and social dislocation which is the outcome of a disjunction between the promotion of unrestricted desires and a lack of regulating norms.

Alienation: Refers to a sense of estrangement experienced under capitalism or more generally feelings of isolation and powerlessness.

Enlightenment: Eighteenth century philosophical movement based on a belief in scientific objectivity and in the application of reason as the means to social progress and as a counter to superstition and religious dogma.

Diachronic: A dynamic view of society as constantly changing in response to certain economic, social or political forces.

Globalization: The process or transformation of local or regional business enterprises and other institutions into global ones. This process unifies people of the world into a single society functioning together.

Mechanical Solidarity: Mechanism of social integration in traditional societies through commonly shared tribe or group values and symbols.

Modernization: Broad transformation from 'simple' homogenous societies to 'complex' highly differentiated societies.

Modernity: A period referring to the last two hundred years or so, in which occurred transformations of both space and time.

Organic Solidarity: Social integration occurs through emphasis on individuality, specialist talents and differentiation of activities and occupations.

Post-industrial: Society in which knowledge development has replaced property acquisition as its organizing force.

Social Movement: A loosely bound collection of individuals, organisations and groups that share basic assumptions about a problem and co-participate in a range of projects designed to address these problems (Lakeman, 2007).

Urbanization: The physical spread of urban areas into rural or natural lands as a result of population movement into an existing urban area.

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Suggested Reading

Anderson, M. L., & Taylor, H. F. (2006). Sociology: Understanding a diverse society. Florence, Kentucky: Thomson Wadsworth.

Allison, F. (2006). Momentum: Igniting social change in the connected age. San Francisco, California: Jossey-Bass.

Harper, C.L., & Leicht, K. T. (2006). Social change: America and the world. Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice Hall.

Marsella, A. (2012). Psychology and Globalization: Understanding a Complex Relationship. Journal Of Social Issues, 68, 454-472. doi:10.1111/j.1540-4560.2012.01758.x Retrieved October 23, 2013 from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text:http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=79824295&site=ehost-live

McMichael, P.D. (2007). Development and social change: A global perspective (Sociology for a New Century Series) Thousand Oaks, California: Pine Forge Press.

Noble, T. (2000). Social theory and social change. New York, N.Y.: Palgrave Macmillan.