Cross-Societal Contact: Stereotypes

Abstract

This article focuses on racial stereotypes, which serve as the foundation for misunderstandings surrounding cross-societal contact. An inclusive description of stereotypes is offered, starting with a differentiation between stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination, as well as the functional aspects of stereotyping and the reasons why people utilize such generalizations. An overview of racial stereotypes is subsequently provided, beginning with Black Canadian detainees who offer their insight toward such a phenomenon, which is analyzed through the Social Constructionist, Colonial, and Cultural Transmission theoretical lenses. Also, stereotypes that afflict the Latino population as well as a concept called the "contact hypothesis" are highlighted. Finally, stereotypes with which Japanese students contend and how they relate to "outgroup homogeneity bias" are discussed.

Overview

Stereotypes, Prejudice & Discrimination. Stereotypes are the foundation on which prejudicial and discriminatory behaviors reside (Hackney, 2005; Stangor, 2007). Although many people use the terms interchangeably, the distinction between each concept is relatively straightforward. Stereotypes surround the cognitive derivations that people construct to help interpret their environments, and prejudice is the negative sentiment that stems from such intellectual schemata. Discrimination, on the other hand, corresponds with ensuing behavior that results from these affective responses and may be exclusive, hostile, or dismissive.

For example: Betsy is on the hiring committee of a renowned corporation and is conducting interviews for an upcoming managerial position. One of the prospective incumbents, Katherine, arrives to discuss her work-related qualifications and Betsy notices her casual attire and youthful appearance. Betsy recalls the last officemate whom she had inaptly employed, a disheveled young man with an unprofessional demeanor who incompetently lacked the skills required to carry out his prescribed job duties. As such, the mental classification, or stereotype, that Betsy applies to the current situation equates Katherine's age into a category deemed unprincipled and amateurish. Feelings of acrimonious disregard are dredged up as Betsy recalls the laborious efforts involved with compensating for her former colleague's mishaps that eventually led her to terminate his services. These negative emotions, or prejudices, are unfairly projected onto Katherine. Consequently, Betsy directs the course of the interview with curt impertinence and terminates their meeting prematurely, upon which she disposes of Katherine's application materials in a nearby receptacle. The utter disregard that Betsy extends toward Katherine and her inability to fairly scrutinize Katherine's merit alongside the remaining contenders is considered discrimination.

There is a functional aspect to stereotypes, also known as categorizations. Cognitively, people draw upon ways in which they can cluster related matter together to provide themselves with cerebral shortcuts. For example, a person can spend a tremendous amount of time and effort memorizing all the shades of red that exist within the color wheel. They might meticulously pore over the differences between brick, coral, crimson, rose, puce, sangria, rust, terra cotta, maroon, and scarlet. Or, they can cluster them together under the generalized umbrella of "red," and act accordingly, which enables them to come to conclusions and proceed with life in an efficient and organized manner. If, say, a real estate agent hosts an open house and provides online directions that include "turn onto Main Street and park your car in front of the first red house on the right," a person who utilizes a categorical strategy would rely on their mental index of "red" colors that encompasses a wide spectrum of shades, and would therefore not need painstaking elaboration. In other words, categorization can be quite expedient, particularly when channeled toward inanimate objects.

When pertaining to people, the process of social categorization, or stereotyping, becomes much more convoluted. Its functionality remains, in that people stereotype others because they deem it a resourceful and informative methodology. In a public-school arena, if a physical altercation between two students broke loose in the cafeteria, a frightened student onlooker might seek out the assistance of a teacher to help resolve the crisis, based on the stereotypical assumptions that the student extends toward school personnel. This student must have deduced that all teachers are mature adults, and that they ultimately have their student body's best interest at stake and would therefore readily mediate a conflict that escalated undesirably. Of course, this is a likely generalization and probably applies to most teachers who have dedicated their lives toward molding young minds, although on a case-by-case analysis this postulation may falter; incontrovertibly there have been several teachers in the early twenty-first century who have engaged in behavior that was unethical or scandalous (Chatterton, 2006). Hence, although stereotypes have a spurious reputation, they are often grounded in partial truth, which makes it difficult to discern between fact and fiction.

Moreover, stereotypes are upheld as an extension of group identity, as well as a source of sustenance to bolster their existence (Schaller, 1991). Humans are social creatures and gravitate toward establishing collective membership with likeminded others. By default, the nature of group formation implies distinguishing boundaries between two or more assemblages. An aspect of communal membership involves affiliates ascribing favorable attributes and prideful dignity toward their particular group while regarding outsiders as less desirable, a process called in-group favoritism (De Cremer, 2001; Galinsky & Moskowitz, 2000; Verkuyten & De Wolf, 2007).

There are many dimensions that correspond with the act of stereotyping. Social scientists have coined the term illusory correlation (Jackson, 2000; Madey & Chasteen, 2004; Meiser & Hewstone, 2001), which describes disproportional relationships that take place between minorities and situational events. As the name suggests, minority groups contain members with less prevalence than mainstream society, and should they commit undesirable or negligent misdeeds, their behavior is often exaggerated. According to the 2022 census, Blacks comprised 13.6 percent of the US population and Whites constituted 75.8 percent, including 18.9 percent who identified as Hispanic or Latino. If a demographer were examining the amount of high school graduates common to a particular region, and if they improperly focused on the number as opposed to percentage, they would erroneously conclude that fewer Blacks receive degrees. The layperson makes this type of computational error on a regular basis, thus contributing to the extension of inaccurate information of various groups and perpetuating one-way stereotypes.

Applications

Racial Stereotypes. Manzo & Bailey (2005) conducted a study in which they examined the ways detrimental, societal stereotypes adversely trickle down into the identity and behavior of Black Canadian youth. In particular, they cite shocking statistics that endorse the validity of their research, including the fact that only 2 percent of Canadian residents are Black, although they constitute 6 percent of the imprisoned population. (In the 2011 census 2.88 percent of the population identified as Black; in 2022 this rose to 3.5 percent.) This is reflective of the deeply embedded and damaging stereotypes perpetuated by media that depict Blacks as criminally minded "gangstas," to which many Canadian residents are privy. The researchers gathered data through open-ended interviews and gleaned insight into the motivations, expectations, and experiences of Black detainees between fourteen and eighteen years of age. The theoretical lenses from which the study was investigated included Social Constructionism (Cheung, 1997; Fu-Lai & Diana, 2008; Patterson & Keefe, 2008), Colonial, and Cultural Transmission theories (Eerkens & Lipo, 2007).

Social Constructionism re-labels that which appears objectively, biologically, or pragmatically "real" as a reflection of the subjective parameters that are bound together to formulate group norms, rules, and structure within society. Hence, social constructionists would argue that "race" and "racism" are socially constructed concepts in that group members arbitrarily pinpoint the distinction of, say, skin color as a means for differentiation, and therefore, preferential treatment and intolerance based on skin color ensue. As a result, a person's self-conceptualization naturally equates with the larger society. Colonial theory emphasizes the historical milestones of any given culture, and the ways in which either the dominant or inferior status of a group's ancestors prevails in modern-day patterns. Finally, Cultural Transmission theory describes the way large-scale social influences such as racial stereotypes and cultural references permeate an individual's thought processes and behaviors.

Manzo and Bailey sought to examine how young criminals absorbed the stereotypes to which they had been exposed throughout the duration of their lives, which then served to induce deviant behavior. This behavior subsequently validated the cultural stereotypes. A subset of Cultural Transmission includes "vocabularies of motives" (Goldschmid, 2008; Moerk & Pincus, 2000; Ray & Simons, 1987), or the justification that a person uses, either prior to or in the aftermath of criminal transgressions. An example of vocabularies of motives can be demonstrated through a statement such as "society owes me the money," which explains societal inequities that exist between racial groups that might provide a marginalized member with rationalization for robbing a bank. Another example would be if a person of a minority race angrily inflicted bodily harm onto a person of the majority race and said in the aftermath that the victim "deserved the beating" in retaliation for a broader social problem.

Manzo and Bailey acquired tremendous insight surrounding the perceptions that are attributed toward Black culture. The young respondents felt as though pop culture depicted images of the Black community in favorable terms (e.g., entertainers, athletes) as well as unflattering terms (e.g., criminals). Interestingly, the participants had mixed feelings about society automatically relegating them into hardened roles; the appeal was akin to Hollywood's glamorization of the exciting "gangsta" lifestyle, as often depicted in rap music and films (Kramer, 1993).

Many were honored to be part of such a notorious alliance and resented the presence of outsiders emulating their behavior and thus infringing on a sacred sense of camaraderie while others seemed to resent such salacious expectations. They did not feel like they were subjugated or oppressed, partly because they felt that acquiescing to the stereotypes presented before them was their choice and because they felt that adopting such heuristics had enhanced their reputations. In contrast to the tenets set forth in Colonial Theory, the participants in the study were unfamiliar with their Black Canadian heritage. However, through movies and other media outlets they were somewhat familiarized with the heritage of Blacks, including Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X.

The Contact Hypothesis. Latinos are the fastest-growing population and largest minority group in the United States as of 2022; according to the 2022 US Census, people who identified as Hispanic or Latino made up approximately 18.9 percent of the population. Nevertheless, there are many undesirable stereotypes associated with the Hispanic/Latino community, and in an evaluation of American History books routinely distributed to accentuate public school curricula, Cruz (2002) discovered that such scholarly portrayals contain untoward images of Hispanic customs. This imagery consists of persons who are lazy, submissive, aggressive, and those who reap US benefits despite a resistance toward embracing American lifestyles. However, the depiction of the "Lazy" Hispanic ("Blessed Are," 2006; "Poll Finds," 1991) in perpetual need of welfare is changing, due in part to the influx of Latino migration in the twenty-first century (Fox, 2004). This notion is consistent with the "contact hypothesis" (Hamburger, 1994; Henry & Hardin, 2006), which asserts that when diverse collections of people interact cooperatively with each other on a regular basis, many of the pervading, defective stereotypes tend to dissipate. An experiment carried out by Shook & Fazio (2008) illuminates this point. White college students were paired with an African American roommate and contrasted against college students who were grouped together based on their shared, White or African American ethnicity. At the end of the school term, both sets of students were evaluated. The students who dwelled with others of the same race reported higher levels of satisfaction but did not change their interracial anxiety or racial belief systems. Quite contrarily, those who resided with students of a different race were less satisfied with their living arrangements but ameliorated their interracial anxiety/racial attitudes.

Additionally, Jones (1991) found that unsavory stereotypes of Hispanics reflected disparate social statures wedged between the Latino community and mainstream culture, rather than an opposition toward the ethnicity itself. When both groups shared indistinguishable education levels and comparable incomes, the reproachful labels and associations virtually disappeared. On the surface this research finding appears reassuring, although there are many flaws attached to such a premise. For example, like all immigrants who disembark from their country of origin, Latinos arrive in the United States and are immediately plunged into an unlevel playing field due to the hardships that accompany cultural assimilation. Among other impediments, they must learn how to access complex social systems such as health care (Strug & Mason, 2001), and acclimate to a foreign linguistic system. Although children adapt more quickly to their new land and fare well amid distinct communication barriers, less than 30 percent of first-generation Hispanics indicate a proficiency of the English language. Also, the Hispanic culture tends to be more familial (Villarreal, Blozis, & Widaman, 2005); a concept that values collectivism, or a closely entwined family-focused orientation. Perhaps a developmental trajectory that is more individualistic in nature might not be as appreciated, such as a person graduating from high school, departing their family unit to attend a highly reputable college that will enable them to commence a decidedly lucrative and renowned career pursuit.

In 2022, more than 40 percent of Californian's 39 million citizens were Hispanic, and more than half of these individuals were young adults, or under twenty-four. Most Hispanic students who pursue higher education in California choose to attend community colleges; far fewer go on to transfer to a four-year institution. Fewer Hispanic students enroll in the California State University system, and even fewer are in the University of California system. Overall, approximately 11 percent of Latinos in California held college degrees in 2022.

Low college enrollment rates are convoluted, and probably interlink a variety of multifarious factors including costly tuitions, individual and cultural values related to academia, and the initiation of early-onset educational prospects. The latter is shrouded under the domain of limited opportunities that are afforded more markedly to the favored ethnic majority, a process that begins with stereotypical conjecture.

Bonazzo & Wong (2007) qualitatively delved into Japanese stereotypes by interviewing international students who attended a primarily White, southwestern college. These students cited that their professors retained high levels of confidence in their abilities based on the assumption that Japanese pupils are conscientious and devoted. This proves the point that the essence of stereotypes need not be destructive; indeed, a person can calculate positive gross generalizations about a group at-large. The downfall, however, is twofold and in this instance, a professor who presumes Japanese students are disciplined may be inaccurate. Moreover, the teacher is unconsciously raising the academic bar for Japanese students, and if they fail to live up to such standards by operating at an average level, the students may serve as a source of disappointment.

Viewpoints

Stereotypes of Americans. Asia constitutes a broad geographical range that encompasses various countries within the Far East, Middle East, South, and Southeast, each of which possess distinct religions, cultural values, and historical milestones. Nevertheless, American students were apt to consolidate all Asian students together into one unified category. However, when Americans did narrow down one particular region, they mistakenly assumed that the Japanese students were Chinese. One participant likened this tendency to a more universal trend:

…when American people see Asian people they first ask "Are you Chinese?" (small laugh) Like in Japan there is like, international people or people from overseas…we first ask, "Are you American?" Even to the French or Italian and England people we ask like "Are you American?" And it's the same thing in here… (Bonazzo & Wong, 2007, p. 5)

Hence, if America is informally considered the symbolic representation for White people, and China is the symbolic representation for Asians, then naturally the other unconsidered countries' citizens will feel discounted or resentful.

The Japanese students interviewed felt as though Americans were well versed in European history, but ignorant of Japanese history. Moreover, Americans would reference Hollywood-driven media accounts by asking the Japanese students if they used samurai swords or assumed that all their fine-motor skills were finely attuned for making origami crafts. Bonazzo and Wong cite the occurrence of outgroup homogeneity bias (Linville, Fischer, & Yoon, 1996; Matheson, Collins, & Kuehne, 2000) as one explanation to substantiate the existence of such stereotypes. Outgroup homogeneity bias is the faulty belief that suggests that those who reside outside of a person's particular group constellation are strikingly similar, although his own group members are distinctively diverse and idiosyncratic. This can be demonstrated when heterosexual people, for example, recognize that their community consists of multidimensional, unique individuals. Nevertheless, they may merge all gay men into a unidimensional category in which all members possess uniform mannerisms and conversational styles—such as the stereotypical sense of flamboyance. As it relates to ethnicity, a person abroad may clearly acknowledge that people in their community fall along various points on the introverted-extroverted continuum, but they may still classify all Americans as "loud." Or, Americans may have friendship groups that include people who partake in an assortment of recreational hobbies, yet they conceptualize all Japanese with adroitly refined origami construction abilities.

Conclusion

Relevant, newsworthy events that take place throughout the world influentially shape the course of evolving stereotypes. The election of President Barack Obama in 2008—and his reelection in 2012—held tremendous political and social ramifications, such as shattering the glass ceiling that historically served as a social encumbrance for the Black community. Many people point to this momentous occasion as the breakthrough formula for eradicating racial stereotypes, although such an assumption is undoubtedly misleading. Humans have the innate inclination to catalog congruent groups of people together, and label them in accordance with their partial observations. This assumption was further negated after the subsequent election of President Donald Trump in 2016—an event that helped bring to light the systemic racism that continues to exist in the US. Racial inequities continued throughout the late 2010s and early 2020s, though efforts to bridge these gaps continued.

Terms & Concepts

Discrimination: Behavior that results from prejudicial emotions, which are exclusive, hostile, or dismissive in nature.

Illusory Correlation: The disproportional relationships between minorities and situational events.

In-group Favoritism: The tendency for group members to ascribe favorable attributes toward their particular group while regarding outsiders as less desirable.

Outgroup Homogeneity Bias: The faulty belief that suggests that those who reside outside of a person's particular group possess traits that are strikingly similar, although "insiders" are diverse and individualistic.

Prejudice: Negative sentiments that stem from stereotypical thought processes.

Stereotypes: The cognitive derivations, or generalizations, that people construct to help interpret their environments.

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Suggested Reading

Aguilar, L. C. (2006). Ouch! That stereotype hurts…Communicating respectfully in a diverse world. The Walk the Talk Company.

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