Durkheim and the Structure and Function of Society

This paper highlights the scholarly work of the renowned French sociologist, Émile Durkheim. An introductory section touches upon Durkheim's sociological motivations for integrating religiosity into his theories. An analysis of his hallmark creation surrounding the Division of Labour, including the differentiation between mechanical solidarity found in primitive cultures, compared with the organic solidarity of advanced civilization is provided. Deviance, which according to Durkheim is a necessary and functional component of society, is introduced, followed by a discriminating account of suicide. According to Durkheim, there are four types of suicide (i.e., egoistic, altruistic, anomie, and fatalistic), each of which is described, along with his somewhat hopeful and convoluted views on educational advancement. Finally, concluding thoughts which include contemporary implications related to Durkheim's theories are presented.

Keywords Deviance; Division of Labour; Mechanic Solidarity; Organic Solidarity; Repressive Law; Restitutive Law; Suicide

Sociological Theory > Durkheim: The Structure & Function of Society

Overview

Émile Durkheim (1858–1917) was a French sociologist who dedicated his life to establishing sociology as an indispensable contributing force that elucidates information about individuals and the communities that they inhabit. Durkheim claimed that sociological influences were both all-encompassing and potent, superceding that which could be understood through the individualized reduction of psychological paradigms. Indeed, in the grand scope of human existence, if each person were represented by a grain of sand that constituted the seashore of an entire beach, Durkheim would declare that while each particle is indisputably important, the sum is surely greater than its individual parts; hence, his differentiation between sociology and psychology in the pursuit of meaning. Moreover, during a person's individual existence, he progresses through many different developmental stages, acquires a variety of interests and companions, and retroactively classifies his life by these assorted phases and eras. As such, the individual is always in a state of flux, and borrows cultural norms from the larger, more stable society to assist his transition between these fluctuations, a society that transcends the life of man since it predates his lifetime, and will also succeed him (Fenton, Reiner, & Hamnett, 1984; Jones, 1986; Nisbet, 1965; Thompson, 1982; Wallwork, 1972).

Throughout the course of his life, Durkheim proposed several provocative theories that significantly contributed to the fabric of contemporary sociological design. A prominent ideology that he established was the notion that in terms of sociological inquiry, "The first and most fundamental rule is consider social facts as things" (Durkheim, as cited in Thompson, 1982, p. 101; Vowinckel, 2000), similar to the conceptions that people hold toward the data that is derived in "hard" sciences such as biology or physics, which is generally considered indisputable and objective. Such a premise does not mean that sociological facts are necessarily fixed and unyielding, but that their properties share similar dimensions to other scientific methodologies, in that there are specific causalities that mold their development, effects that are imparted by their existence, various functions that they seek to fulfill, and that they should be approached with a healthy amount of skepticism and few preconceived assumptions.

Despite his religious lineage and the rabbinical expectations that were placed upon him by his family, Durkheim abstained from a pious lifestyle, although he studied religion from a scholarly perspective and found it a meaningful sociological tool to help unveil significant information about collective groups of people (Alexander, 1986; Fish, 2002; Rawls, 2001; Robertson, 1004; Stark, 2003; Thompson, 1993). Durkheim claimed that it was not only beneficial to study religions of the world, in terms of their current practices and contemporary ramifications, but also their historical and evolutionary development, which contains a revealing cauldron of information. According to Durkheim, an accurate method of understanding sociological archetypes was to study primitive religions since they were socially-constructed belief systems that subsequently evolved into more elaborate scientific and philosophical hypotheses: "If philosophy and the sciences were born of religion, it is because religion began by taking the place of the sciences and philosophy" (Durkheim, as cited in Thompson, 1982, p. 125). He felt that despite the various ceremonial customs unique to each respective creed, there existed a thread of commonality that each religion shared, which was carried out through rites of passage that helped deliver universal goals. These goals were usually more transparent among primitive religions, since the sacramental practices of such groups were typically genuine and unrefined, and therefore held the most accessible elements of sociological truth.

Applications

Mechanical & Organic Solidarity

Durkheim weighed primitive societies against advanced societies in order to gain insight toward both individualistic and group morale (Merelman, 1988). In primitive societies, members forged a sense of shared ideals and camaraderie, which were based upon similar value structures and intellectual frameworks, as well as comparable methods in which time was structured. Indeed, the daily undertakings and overall schedules that those from primitive societies maintained included similar missions and philosophical endeavors with regard to obtaining food sources, as well as pursuing family relations and entertainment activities. As such, Durkheim coined the term mechanical solidarity (Chang, 1989; Downey, 1969; Tiryakian, 1994) to describe the collective conscience that pertained to such a fused existence; not because they were robotic per se, but because the homogenized standardization of such "group think" and behavior was analogous to that of a mechanical device, such as a watch, including parts that act in repetitive unison with each other in order to uphold its functionality.

Specialization

Quite conversely, advanced societies (Perrin, 1995) are the antithesis of primitive group ideals and identity, and instead revere individualistic ambitions and focus on the unique characteristics that make each human distinct. In such a system, diversity is highly regarded, and taps into one's notable contributions that will allow him to forge a marked pathway in the world, including refining his particular skill set and eventual profession of choice. Rather than societies who perform routine tasks in synchronized concurrence, such as primitive societies that wake up at the same time, eat together, hunt-and-gather accordingly, and celebrate together, advanced societies have the distinct feature of specialization. A specialized society consists of individual members, each of whom has dedicated their lives around their specific strengths and interests. Incidentally, the binding force of such advanced communities relies on their established differences, or the complementary elements that contribute toward the larger social scheme.

For example, in "Smalltown, USA," the following residents are employed in their own respective careers: Jane Doe is a medical doctor, John Smith is a computer technician, Bob Riley is a plumber, and Sally Jones is a musician. It is likely that each community member came from different backgrounds, found inspiration in miscellaneous sources, and pursued divergent educational training; it is also safe to postulate that they currently have varied salaries, job duties that necessitate proficiency in separate arenas, and daily schedules that are highly dissimilar. Nevertheless, in an ideal sense, each person relies on each other to perform duties in the concentrated areas that they themselves lack: Jane would be sought after by John, Bob, and Sally to cure the physical afflictions that ail them; likewise, John would be called upon to repair faulty PCs, while Bob would unclog congested lavatories, and Sally would shoulder the entertainment responsibilities.

Division of Labor

The conglomeration of such individualized compartmentalization is what constitutes as Durkheim's division of labour, which Durkheim referred to as organic solidarity (Pope & Johnson, 1983; Sil, 2000). Organic suggests the complimentary nature akin to human anatomy, in that each biological organ specializes in its own independent domain (i.e., the heart, brain, lungs), but shares an overarching function of sustaining human life. In advanced societies, the division of labour not only focuses on separate careers and corresponding economic classifications, but also partitions a range of categorical ideologies that pertain to politics, religion, values, as well as science and the arts. Interestingly, although it is common for people in advanced societies to establish practical relations with those whose opposing specializations maintain an equilibrium toward their own respective areas of expertise, people nevertheless seek to initiate friendships and other personalized contact with those whom they deem like-minded, which is a primitive characteristic that has persevered.

Deviance

Durkheim felt that there was a functional element to deviant behavior (Cohen & Machalek, 1994; Kidd, 2007; Liska & Warner, 1991). In fact, felonious deeds helped clarify an outlined value structure within society, because people would otherwise struggle with the ability to specifically delineate that which is "good" and "moral" against that which is "bad" and "amoral;" such determinations are facilitated by witnessing conduct that is unsavory or unscrupulous. For example, Mary inherently seeks to be a kind, law-abiding citizen. In order to construct her mannerisms in alignment with that of a conscientious, upright person, she would have to be exposed to positive role models whose behavior she might replicate. Likewise, she would have to conceptualize how not to act, perhaps by accessing examples of morally bereft offenders, such as her classmate Steve who initiates physical altercations as a means to resolve conflict, and her next-door neighbor, Alan, who has been convicted of drug possession. The parameters that define such legally and morally sanctioned ideals can vary between generations, and are culturally contextual as Durkheim contends, "In other words, we must not say that an action shocks the common conscience because it is criminal, but rather that it is criminal because it shocks the common conscience. We do not reprove it because it is a crime, but it is a crime because we reprove it" (Durkheim, as cited in Thompson, 1982, p. 77).

Deviant acts can, ironically, serve as an unpleasant adhesive that unites people together, as is witnessed during times of social calamities such as the tragic events that unfolded on September 11, 2001, during which many U.S. citizens found solace in national solidarity (Davis & Silver, 2004; Kennedy, 2001). Additionally, deviance can serve as an agent for positive social change, such as the civil rights movement, the women's movement, and the gay liberation movement (Miroff, 2006); each of which spawned progressive social strides based upon unsettling and exploitive norms that were rooted in deviance, discrimination, and exclusion.

Restitutive & Repressive Law

Regarding litigious matters, advanced societies respond to criminal acts of deviance through restitutive law (Merton, 1994), which aims at restoring their complementary (i.e., division of labour) conventions back to states of normalcy; a process that takes place in accordance with the logical, judicial precincts that have been properly outlined. As such, the fraudulent matters become a contention between the criminal and the state (government). This contrasts with primitive societies, whose concentration on repressive law circulated around the criminal who had encroached upon the unspoken rules of society's collective conscience, and thus threatened its cohesive nature. When such salacious acts were encountered, primitive societies relied less on formalized legal doctrines to determine appropriate reprimands, but on members of society to employ prompt application of a collectively deemed, unofficial, and punitive sentence that was impassioned, and often rooted in religiosity. Hence, the deviant issues-at-hand were much more personalized in primitive societies, and resolution unfolded between the perpetrator and the victim(s).

Suicide

Suicide was a social phenomenon that Durkheim explored at tremendous depth, and he formulated a theoretical framework that helped unearth the sociological forces germane to its existence (Befani, 2005; Cox, 2005; Hassan, 1998; Kushner & Sterk, 2005; Lubell, 2002). Individual biological and/or psychological contributions toward self harm held no relevance to Durheim, because he deemed that the malevolent case-by-case traits that were possessed by such victims (e.g., insanity, depression) would independently cancel each other out, and this inability to conduct gross generalizations held little collective relevance. Rather, Durkheim examined statistical analyses that emerged based upon influential societal patterns, and devised a model that contained four types of suicide (i.e., egoistic, altruistic, anomie, and fatalistic) that were broken down into two dimensions, the first of which indicates one's level of group attachment or lack thereof (i.e., egoistic and altruistic), while the second indicates an acute lack or prevalence of social control (i.e., anomie and fatalistic).

The two extreme forms of attachment-related suicide as described by Durkheim include egoistic suicide (Berk, 2006; Breault & Barkey, 1982) and altruistic suicide (Riemer, 1998; Whitt, 2006) which relates to a person's aberrant ability to integrate into society and construct appropriate ties.

Egoistic Suicide

People who commit egoistic suicide can be characterized as extremely detached, isolated, and removed from their respective communities. If their personal experience with social isolation ventures into depressed territory, the determination to take their life is made exclusively within the domain of their own cognitive sector, as opposed to consultation with outside parties, and without regard for what the ramifications of such a decision, as they pertain outside of themselves, include.

Durkheim felt that the breakdown of traditional institutions (e.g., the church, family, professional unions) had slowly crumbled into a state of existence that made social seclusion a viable option, and no adequate institutional replacements had been substituted in their place. Durkheim pointed out the higher prevalence of suicide among religious denominations that encouraged free-thought and independence, such as Protestantism. Catholicism, on the other hand, had more regimented practices, less autonomy, and more religious figures to provide support, which consequently made people feel more group attachment, and posed as a suicidal deterrent. The suicide rates of Jews were akin to Catholics, but for different reasons; the historical acrimony that they had collectively endured provided a cohesive and sturdy sense of group identity, which strengthened them and helped avert burgeoning levels of suicidal ideologies. Further verification of the ills of an isolated existence include the higher predominance of suicide among those who are single as opposed to married, and those who come from small families.

Altruistic Suicide

On the other end of the attachment extreme lies altruistic suicide, which includes people who take their lives because of an all-inclusive affiliation toward group membership, and who have accrued stunted levels of individuality. An example of a person who might commit this type of suicide can be seen by he who terminates his life at the death of his spouse due to an exaggerated sense of dependency, or subordinate group members who kill themselves at the loss of their leader. Likewise martyrdom, whereupon a person kills oneself for a higher group "cause," as well as members of armed forces, whose self destruction rebukes a mistake that they fear dishonored their country, are additional illustrations that exemplify this type of suicide. Durkheim pointed out that in the face of tremendous societal disparity, such as war, altruistic people often establish intense levels of national dedication, pride, and self-sacrifice, to the point of taking their own lives if they conceptualize that their patriotic duty mandates such a course of action, which they believe will result in benefiting the group-at-large.

Social Regulation: Anomie & Fatalism

An unbalanced amount of societal parameters, as defined by social norms, rules, and expectations, including a person's economic state of affairs that may be either unregulated (i.e., anomie) or restrictive (i.e., fatalistic) can have significant consequences that might result in suicide. According to Durkheim, anomie (Besnard, 1988; Hilbert, 1986; Mestrovicacute; 1985; Olsen, 1965; Srole, 1965; Willis, 1982) is often initiated by social change and takes the form of a limitless, boundless society or one that is economically undernourished and/or socially deficient, and in either instance results in scarce levels of rules, structure, and social control. Either type of anomie can be detrimental, as is witnessed in social upheaval during which chaos and lawlessness are common, as well as within groups of people who live in the "lap of luxury," whereby their opulence often yields aimlessly destructive outcomes. An example of the latter can be demonstrated by celebrities who, by the layperson's standards have all of their needs met: an elevated financial status, the ability to disregard legal limitations to which the rest of the population is expected to adhere, renowned fame and stardom, and disposable amounts of time. These seemingly alluring qualities, however, allow people to act independently from the moral regulations that are imposed upon the remainder of society, and which contain harsh penalties. Renowned rock stars such as Janis Joplin, Jimi Hendrix, Jim Morrison, and Kurt Cobain each had the ability to uphold their celebrity status while indulging in highly destructive lifestyles that eventually led to their ultimate demise (Macionis, 2001). Likewise, there have been several documented cases in which "lucky" proletarian lottery ticket holders amass tremendous fortune, only to find themselves in the depths of disparity shortly thereafter (Nissle & Bschor, 2002).

The second suicidal category based upon an uneven amount of social regulation, and Durkheim's last suicidal type, was termed fatalistic suicide (Stack, 1979), which is rooted in a lifestyle monitored by extreme regulation that often transitions into rigidity, oppression, and a tyrannical regime. Interestingly, Durkheim devoted very little energy describing such a suicidal tendency, because he felt that it held little social relevance. The primary example that he did produce to exemplify this type of suicide was the conditions that a slave would endure. As he explained, "Do not the suicides of slaves, said to be frequent under certain conditions… belong to this type, or all suicides attributable to excessive physical or moral despotism?" (Durkheim, as cited in Wallwork, 1972, p. 52).

Education & Societal Reform

There were similar ideologies possessed both by Durkheim and Karl Marx, such as the emphasis that both men placed on the structural forces within society, which trickle down and pose as forces of desolation for both individuals and their communities. Unlike Marx, Durkheim emphasized that while certain maladies might uniquely afflict impoverished communities who have limited access to resourceful means, all members of every social stature and economic class were at risk for potential self-directed malaise. An avid scholar, Durkheim felt that a reparative strategy that might instill moral behavior, and thus overturn the growing suicide rates, was an increase in educational opportunities provided to members of society (Cladis, 1995). Although Durkheim acknowledged statistics that portrayed a correlation between educational advancement and a rise in suicide rates, he stated that such a relationship was rooted in the detachment of tradition. In other words, as one progresses through their scholarly endeavors, he simultaneously sheds some of his traditional roots. This loss of tradition, as opposed to an enhanced education, is that factor that increases the risk of suicide.

Durkheim's classification of education was diffused to the degree that it embraced a less formalized definition, focusing on the adaptations people applied toward socializing with the culture to which they found membership. Moreover, Durkheim was not convinced that this educational feat alone would initiate change, as it would need to be coupled with modifications toward other structural elements (e.g., the economy):

…It [education] is only the image and reflection of society. Education is healthy when people themselves are in a healthy state; but it becomes corrupt with them, being unable to modify itself.… Education, therefore, can be reformed only if society itself is reformed. To do that, the evil from which it suffers must be attacked at its source. (Durkheim, as cited in Thompson, 1982, p. 116)

Discussion

As Western civilization becomes more technologically advanced, there are significant implications of which society should be aware. From a positive perspective, there have been countless medical breakthroughs that have helped sustain the quality and quantity of life (Harrar, 2000). Additionally, advanced entertainment devices, including video games that progressively become more life-like, detailed, and graphic, such as "Grand Theft Auto" (Croal, 2008) enable groups of people to enjoy the perks of an active or exciting lifestyle in the comfort of their own home. Or, the innovative "Wii" video games (Schiesel, 2008) allow people to simulate sport activities like tennis and bowling, which may benefit those who are unable to engage in vigorous physical discourse such as nursing home residents. Unfortunately, for the majority of society, this type of technological "candy" can be both seductive and addictive, and might exacerbate a societal rise in anomie, or anomie-related suicide due to the corresponding levels of isolation and communicative restraint that accompanies such excessive technological extravagance. Although Durkheim's life did not contain many of today's societal norms (e.g., technology), his theories on the division of labour, suicide, religion, and deviance are relevant themes that should continually explicate contemporary social trends.

Terms & Concepts

Deviance: A necessary and functional component of society that helps clarify moral behavior.

Division of Labor: A society of specialists, who incidentally rely on others to complement the areas of expertise which they lack.

Mechanic Solidarity: Homogenized behavior and standardization, or the "group think" that pertains to primitive societies.

Organic Solidarity: The conglomeration of individualized compartmentalization found in advanced societies, which constitutes as Durkheim's division of labor.

Repressive Law: In primitive cultures, the informal procedures that reprimands criminal behavior.

Restitutive Law: In advanced societies, the formal and restorative procedures that help communities recover from criminal behavior.

Suicide: A social phenomenon that Durkheim explored at tremendous depth. He formulated a theoretical framework that contained four types of suicide (i.e., egoistic, altruistic, anomie, and fatalistic).

Bibliography

Alexander, J. C. (1986). Rethinking Durkheim's intellectual development: II: Working out a religious sociology. International Sociology, 1 , 189–201.

Befani, B. (2005). The mechanics of suicide: A realist Approach. International Review of Sociology, 15 , 51–75. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=16670140&site=ehost-live

Berk, B. B. (2006). Macro-Micro Relationships in Durkheim's analysis of egoistic suicide. Sociological Theory, 24 , 58–80. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=19714491&site=ehost-live

Besnard, P. (1988). The true nature of anomie. Sociological Theory, 6 , 91–95. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=15450994&site=ehost-live

Breault, K. D., & Barkey, K. (1982). A comparative analysis of Durkheim's theory of egoistic suicide. Sociological Quarterly, 23 , 321–331.

Chang, P. M. Y. (1989). Beyond the clan: A re-analysis of the empirical evidence in Durkheim's The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Sociological Theory, 7 , 64–69. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=15440380&site=ehost-live

Cladis, M. S. (1995). Education, virtue, and democracy in the work of Emile Durkheim. Journal of Moral Education, 24 , 37–52. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9503153260&site=ehost-live

Cohen, L. E., & Machalek, R. (1994). The normalcy of crime: From Durkheim to evolutionary ecology. Rationality & Society, 6 , 286–308.

Cox, G. (2005). Attitudes toward dying and death: A study building on Durkheim's suicide typology. Illness, Crisis & Loss, 13 , 17–29.

Cristi, M. (2012). Durkheim on moral individualism, social justice, and rights: A gendered construction of rights. Canadian Journal of Sociology, 37, 409–438. Retrieved October 23, 2013 from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=87401969

Croal, N. (2008). The art of mayhem and murder. Newsweek, 151 , 43–43. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=31973412&site=ehost-live

Davis, D. W., & Silver, B. D. (2004). "One nation, indivisible…" Conference Papers- Midwestern Political Science Association, 1–44.

Downey, K. J. (1969). The scientific community: Organic or Mechanical? Sociological Quarterly, 10 , 438–454.

Fenton, S., Reiner, R., & Hamnett, I. (1984). Durkheim and modern sociology. Cambridge, London, New York, New Rochelle, Melbourne, Sydney: Cambridge University Press.

Fish, J. (2002). Religion and the changing intensity of emotional solidarities in Durkheim's The Division of Labour in Society (1893). Journal of Classical Sociology, 2 , 203–223. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9679668&site=ehost-live

Fish, J. (2013). Homo duplex revisited: A defence of Émile Durkheim’s theory of the moral self. Journal of Classical Sociology, 13, 338–358. Retrieved October 23, 2013 from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=89629944

Harrar, S. (2000). Medical breakthroughs. Prevention, 52 , 109–110. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=3727800&site=ehost-live

Hassan, R. (1998). One hundred years of Emile Durkheim's suicide: A study in sociology. Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry, 32 , 168–171. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=5603218&site=ehost-live

Hilbert, R. A. (1986). Anomie and the moral regulation of reality: The Durkheimian tradition in modern relief. Sociological Theory, 4 , 1–19. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=15372650&site=ehost-live

Jones, A. J. (1986). Emile Durkheim. An Introduction to four major works. Beverly Hills, London, New Delhi; Sage Publications.

Jones, S. S. (2003). From varieties to elementary forms. Journal of Classical Sociology, 3 , 99–121. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=10567563&site=ehost-live

Kennedy, D. M. (2001, September 16). Fighting an elusive enemy. The New York Times, p. 11.

Kidd, D. (2007). Harry Potter and the functions of popular culture. Journal of Popular Culture, 40 , 69–89. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=23764419&site=ehost-live

Kushner, H. I., & Sterk, C. E. (2005). The limits of social capital: Durkheim, suicide, and social cohesion. American Journal of Public Health, 95 , 1139–1143. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=17453533&site=ehost-live

Liska, A. E., & Warner, B. D. (1991). Functions of crime: A paradoxical process. American Journal of Sociology, 96 , 1441–1463. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9106171967&site=ehost-live

Lubell, K. M. (2002). Durkheim's suicide: A century of research and debate. [Book Review]. Contemporary Sociology, 31 , 612–613. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=7590110&site=ehost-live

Macionis, J. J. (2001). Sociology. New Jersey, USA: Prentice Hall.

Merelman, R. M. (1988). Cultural displays: An illustration from American immigration. Qualitative Sociology, 11 , 335–354. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=11645066&site=ehost-live

Merton, R. K. (1994). Durkheim's division of labour in society. Sociological Forum, 9 , 17–25. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=10808010&site=ehost-live

Mestrovicacute, S. G. (1985). The anomia and sin in Durkheim's thought. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 24 , 119–136. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=4895068&site=ehost-live

Miroff, B. (2006). Movement activists and partisan insurgents: Collaboration or conflict? Conference Papers-American Political Science Association, 1–36.

Nisbet, R. A. (1965). Makers of Modern Social Science. Emile Durkheim. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc.

Nissle, S. & Bschor, T. (2002). Winning the jackpot and depression: Money cannot buy happiness. International Journal of Psychiatry in Clinical Practice, 6 , 183–186. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=7303477&site=ehost-live

Olsen, M. E. (1965). Durkheim's two concepts of anomie. Sociological Quarterly, 6 , 37–44.

Perrin, R. G. (1995). Emile Durkheim's Division of Labor and the shadow of Herbert Spencer. Sociological Quarterly, 36 , 791–808.

Pope, W., & Johnson, B. D.(1983). Inside organic solidarity. American Sociological Review, 48 , 681–692. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=14846969&site=ehost-live

Prus, R. (2012). On the necessity of re-engaging the classical Greek and Latin literatures: Lessons from Emile Durkheim's The Evolution of Educational Thought. American Sociologist, 43, 172–202. Retrieved October 23, 2013 from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=76459536

Rawls, A. W. (2001). Durkheim's treatment of practice. Journal of Classical Sociology, 1 , 33–68. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9773687&site=ehost-live

Riemer, J. W. (1998). Durkheim's "heroic suicide" in military combat. Armed Forces & Society (Transaction Publishers), 25 , 103–120. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=1545090&site=ehost-live

Robertson, R. (1994). Religion and the global field. Social Compass, 41 , 121–135.

Schiesel, S. (2008, May 15). O.k., Avatar, work with me. The New York Times, p. 1.

Sil, R. (2000). The division of labor in social science research: Unified methodology of 'organic solidarity'? Polity, 32 , 499–532.

Srole, L. (1965). A comment on "anomy." American Sociological Review, 30 , 757–762. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=12788840&site=ehost-live

Stack, S. (1979). Durkheim's theory of fatalistic suicide: A cross-national approach. Journal of Social Psychology, 107 , 161–168. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=5387889&site=ehost-live

Stark, R. (2003). Why Gods should matter in social science. Chronicle of Higher Education, 49 , 7–9. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9982113&site=ehost-live

Thompson, K. (1982). Emile Durkheim. Key Sociologists. USA: Ellis Horwood, Ltd.

Thompson, K. (1993). Durkheim, ideology, and the sacred. Social Compass, 40 , 451–461.

Tiryakian, E. A. (1994). Revisiting sociology's first classic: The Division of Labor in society and its actuality. Sociological Forum, 9 , 3–16. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=10808008&site=ehost-live

Vowinckel, G. (2000). Happiness in Durkheim's sociological policy of morals. Journal of Happiness Studies, 1 , 447–464. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=11318882&site=ehost-live

Wallwork, E. (1972). Durkheim. Morality and Milieu. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Whitt, H. P. (2006). Durkheim's precedence in the use of the terms egoistic and altruistic suicide: An addendum. [Letter to the Editor]. Suicide & Life-Threatening Behavior, 36 , 125–127. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=20371812&site=ehost-live

Willis, C. L. (1982). Durkheim's concept of anomie: Some observations. Sociological Inquiry, , 106–113. Retrieved May 20, 2008 from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=13759696&site=ehost-live

Suggested Reading

Giddens, A. (1996). Durkheim on politics and the state. UK: Polity Press.

Lemert, C. (2006). Durkheim's ghosts: Cultural logics and social things. UK: Cambridge University Press.

Riley, A. T. (2014). The social thought of Emile Durkheim. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Strenski, I. (2006). The new Durkheim. USA: Rutgers University Press.