Hunting and Gathering Societies

This article presents an overview on hunting and gathering perspectives, beginning with an introductory section that highlights mutual traits shared by hunters-gatherers. Subsequently, a comprehensive table that depicts demographic trends is provided, followed by a first-hand account of an anthropologist's experience amid a Venezuelan, foraging society. A discussion of the transitional conversion from hunting-gathering norms to agricultural predominance is followed by contemporary affiliations that exist between the two groups (i.e., hunters-gatherers and farmers). The linguistic dynamics of the Dani, Pirahã, "click language" communities, and Ra¯ute people are discussed. Finally, family patterns that relate to individualistic vs. collectivist values, as well as communal sleeping arrangements are addressed.

Societies > Hunting & Gathering Societies

Overview

Of the numerous past and present hunting-gathering communities, there are both distinguishing qualities inherent to each group as well as thematic patterns that categorically connect them together. A distinct trait that is common among hunting-gathering societies is that they reflect an egalitarian structure (Kiernan, 1999; Shultziner, 2005), as opposed to one that is hierarchical in nature. Such an organization shuns the dominance of a governing alpha-male presence that is apparent in stratified societies, and instead incorporates protective barriers to stave off oppressive strides that would otherwise be directed at vulnerable members. Additionally, group decisions are arrived at through the act of consensus, as opposed to the individualistic power that is bestowed upon a leader who makes sole determinations.

Characteristics of the Hunter-Gatherers

The burden of responsibility for obtaining food sources lies primarily on spry, healthy adults; children and elderly may make minor contributions, but are primarily cared for by competent adults in the group (Macionis, 2001). In fact, Cowgill and Holmes (1972) describe the reverence that hunting-gathering societies extend toward their elder members, due to an appreciation of the acquired wisdom derived throughout the course of their lives, and how such acumen can enhance ceremonial rituals. Modern societies, in contrast, are less inclined to engage in such ceremonies, and therefore discount the knowledge that elderly citizens have attained throughout the years, since such erudition cannot be productively applied toward ritualistic use. Moreover, modernization tends to correlate with higher levels of mobility, thus decreasing the physical presence of extended, and therefore elderly, family members.

Another hallmark of hunting-gathering communities is their communal nature. Collaboration and upholding the needs of the group, in lieu of self-serving pursuits, characterize hunting-gathering societies. This philosophical ideal manifests in the process of food distribution. When each hunter embarks upon a hunting expedition that yields food, he equally shares his edible proceeds with the group at large, without preserving a larger portion for himself or his immediate family (Bower, 1998; Hawkes, 1993; Wilson, 1998). This system not only benefits the extended community, but also ensures that even after a poor hunt in which little is brought back, food is guaranteed.

Cooperative childcare patterns exist in most hunting-gathering societies, whereby a variety of non-related members (i.e., alloparents) serve to rear each child (Ivey, 2000). Unrelated alloparents reciprocally reap benefits in exchange for their childcare duties, such as an enhanced access to food and social/mating networks, as well as preparation for parenting skills that they might eventually undertake as parents themselves.

Developmental rites-of-passage are a shared component that each hunting-gathering community observes, although the actual procedures vary between groups. For example, girls and boys in certain African bands (i.e., Khoisan and Hadza) adopt opposing gender-related biological constraints through initiation rituals in which girls don mock male genitalia and weaponry while boys assume feminine (i.e., "menstruant") personas, which suggest their belief that sex organs, and corresponding gender ideologies, are not fixed constructs but that with which one psychologically consents (Power & Watts, 1997). A coming-of-age sacrament among Brazilian Xicrin men that ignites their transition from boys to warriors revolves around attacking a wasp's nest and enduring a wrathful retaliation (Cunningham, 2004). Genital mutilation is a painfully dangerous and externally controversial rite common within certain Kenyan communities, which illustrates a boy's entrance into potential war-torn territory and a girl's demonstration of purity (McKinley, 1996). The execution of facial lacerations and/or tattoos that accompany various Sudanese rituals are additional examples that exemplify the bodily transformations that often coincide with age-specific ceremonies (Lainof & Elsea, 2004). An instance that illuminates a formal procedure devoid of self-injurious inflictions is the Iria, which is practiced by teenage girls of the Okrika region of Nigeria, during which time they consume high caloric foods that help them acquire more curvaceous physiques, sing songs, and distance themselves from the water spirits to whom they had grown attached throughout their childhood (Delaney, 1995).

Hunting-Gathering Demographics

Although there is not an official census bureau that tracks current and historical statistics surrounding hunting-gathering communities, Stiles (2003) provides a comprehensive overview of contemporary estimated demographics, based upon the scholarly accounts of archaeologists, anthropologists, and sociologists. Ninety-nine percent of the chronological strides undertaken by human beings primarily consist of a collective hunter-gatherer history. At approximately 10,000 BCE, human sustenance relied solely upon hunting-gathering lifestyles, which began to shift between 6,000 to 10,000 years ago, during which time social patterns became more hierarchical, civilized, and resources that were farm-based began to emerge. It was estimated by Stiles in 2003 that there are approximately 1.3 million hunter-gatherers in the world, who find membership in roughly 235 to 265 tribal communities. However, only 170,000 to 218,000 of these people practice the lifestyle, and less than 11,000 are uninfluenced by the outside world.

Twenty-First Century Trends

Greaves (2007) immersed himself within a Venezuelan hunting-and-gathering community in order to obtain a firsthand ethnoarchaelogical account of contemporary Yaruro, or Pumé, lifestyles. Ethnoarchaeology is the sociological study of contemporary cultures in order to glean insight into how their ancestors lived. Greaves was able to examine two subsets of the Pumé people: River Pumé, who permanently reside in villages alongside major rivers and consume local commodities to supplement their hunting-and-gathering methods, and the more transient Savanna Pumé who scavenge wild animals and vegetation and are therefore independent of neighboring municipalities. The Venezuelan desert climate includes a semi-annual wet season, composed of steady and frequent rainfall during which Savanna Pumé men hunt large game such as deer and anteaters, as well as moderately sized lizards and armadillo, while women actively unearth roots and assorted foliage. Contrary to its name, the corresponding dry season is a fertile period through which Savanna Pumé are supplied an abundance of fish, as well as seasonally ripened mangos.

In order to acquire insight into Pumé hunting styles, as well as food and migratory patterns, Greaves set forth revelations surrounding the applications of tool usage. He created cogent, thoughtful hypotheses based on logical premises, and tested them against the experiential, hands-on realities that the Pumé faced. At times he encountered discrepancies between the intellectual theories that he proposed and the Pumé's practical life experiences. For example, he had posited that long-range hunting trips would naturally yield more game, and at the commencement of such journeys it would behoove the Pumé to bring a plethora of tools to ready themselves for the variety of animals that would be encountered. In reality, the Pumé tended to pack light on longer hunting expeditions, in that they brought fewer tools that served multipurpose functions. Likewise, on fishing excursions, the Pumé could accurately estimate the amount of time they should allot toward congregating at bodies of water (e.g., lagoons, creeks), as they seemed intuitively equipped with an ability to assess the benefits attached to a "patient" linger, or more commonly, repositioning to an alternate site. Thus, the longer trips tended to equate with more movement, but did not necessarily bear more goods. In contrast, for the women who labored in the grasslands by relentlessly digging up roots, for which they needed minimal equipment (e.g., a digging stick and basket), Greaves found a direct correlation between the amount of time tendered toward their manual efforts and the produce that they reaped.

Transitions to Agriculture & Farming

Some theorists ("Noble or Savage?" 2007) speculate whether the onset of agriculture 12,000 years ago was progressive or corrosive to the trajectory of human evolution. Compared with contemporary health issues and nutritional consumption, as well as the physical stature of modern man, historical hunters-and-gatherers maintained strapping physiques that were robust and built to endure incessant and strenuous bouts of physicality. In contrast, the life of a farmer corresponded with an attenuated body frame that was condensed by six inches, protein and vitamin deficient diets, and an increase in related illnesses.

An additional hindrance that afflicted the transition from a hunting-and-gathering lifestyle to that which was agricultural in nature was the rapid eradication of natural resources such as deforestation (Tucker, 2008). Labor-intensive hours that were devoted toward crop maintenance, which differentiated from the 14-hour workweeks of hunter-gatherers, resulted in bodily deterioration and fatigue. Hunting-and-gathering duties were sanctioned into specific gender appropriate tasks: male hunters and female gatherers (Balme & Bowdler, 2006; Marlowe, 2007), which "enabled them to eat both meat and veg [sic], a clever trick because it combines quality with reliability" ("Noble or Savage?" 2007, par. 4). More importantly, the division of labor translated into an egalitarian community in which people undertook different roles that were equally respected. On the other hand, the inception of agriculture ignited an assumption that the farmer was master of his particular domain, with hired or enslaved underlings that established a chain-of-command hierarchy.

Coexistence Today

Spielman and Eder (1994) describe the interdependency between contemporary hunting-and gathering African and southern/ southeastern Asian societies to neighboring farm communities. A range from mutual reciprocity to unbalanced one-sidedness was observed with regard to several provisional necessities, including basic food staples. During these exchanges, hunter-gatherers provide animal protein to urbanized communities whose reception toward such carnage varies between gratitude and repulsion. Though hunter-gatherers are more apt to rely on farmers for carbohydrate-rich contributions, there are additional attributes that each side necessitates from the other. Hunters-and-gatherers exchange forest-grown commodities such as honey, ivory, and herbs as well as ornamental animal adornments (e.g., buffalo horns), aesthetic merchandise (e.g., pottery), and weaponry.

Services rendered between the two groups include navigational tours by hunter-gatherer guides, which allow gentrified groups the ability to traverse through the deep thickets of natural habitation, utilizing safe and efficient strategies. Likewise, farmers often employ hunting-gathering groups to help tend to their land. Because the social norms and communication standards between these two distinct groups are highly incongruous, one might naturally surmise that the conflicting units either find comparable middle-ground territory, or one group concedes to the domination of the other. In the dynamic between farmers and hunter-gatherers, the latter pattern tends to occur, in which the hunting-gathering society adheres to the linguistics and customs of their farming counterparts, which thereby thrusts them into subservience. Moreover, when the professional ties between the two groups cross over into male-female relations, a formulaic configuration tends to preside over such matters of the heart. While male farmers may marry hunting-gathering women, the reverse precedent of hunting-gathering men marrying female farmers is virtually nonexistent.

Further Insights

Language

Upon studying language acquisition, Leakey (1981) came to the determination that there was a precursor to the spoken word, wherein people communicated solely through non-verbal means, including hand gestures and body language. Evidence that points to the predisposition of such biological wiring is observed during times when people revert toward gesticulation under stressful situations or through periods of high emotionality, in which their hands do the talking. Also, when feeling perplexed, people often rely on hand movements to help them search for appropriate terminology that will adequately convey their messages.

As language became oral, it became clear how speech patterns, in addition to hand gestures and body language, enhanced the broader sociological context of hunter-gatherer cultures. It facilitated the delineation of job-related tasks, helped people plan activities such as hunting expeditions, and conveyed social mores, including rules that members should follow and behaviors that were considered taboo. Most importantly, language helped cohesively establish the moral fiber of each collective tribe, which is emphasized by Leakey (1981):

Perhaps the most pervasive element of language is that, through communicating with others, not just about practical affairs, but about feelings, desires and fears, a 'shared consciousness' is created. And the elaboration of a formal mythology produces a shared consciousness on the scale of the community. Language is without doubt an enormously powerful force holding together the intense social network that characterizes human existence (p. 141).

The number of languages and dialects that correspond to indigenous hunter-gatherer societies throughout the world is vast, each with its own distinct flavor that helps establish a sense of cultural intimacy. As an example, Ojibwe, of the Algonquian language family, is common in certain US and Canadian regions (Austin, 2008), while the Quechuan language family--which pre-dates the Spanish-speaking dominance of the Spanish conquistador invasions--is widely spoken in the Andes region of South America (Martinez-Laso, Siles, Mosocoso, et. al, 2006). The Ongota language is another example, a nearly extinct language spoken in rural Ethiopian villages that is widely believed to be a derivative of both the Afro-Asiatic and Nilo-Saharan language families, presumably during timeframes in which the two regions merged during import/export tradeoffs (Hawkins, 2007).

Some linguists, such as Benjamin Lee Whorf (Hartill, 1999; Subbiondo, 2005) have sought to understand the implications surrounding an imprecise conversion process between tribal dialects and standard languages (e.g., Spanish, French, German, etc.). For example, in describing color, the Dani people, who are Indonesian natives, simply have two options to describe the multitude of shades that surround them: either black or white (Rosch & Heider, 1972, as cited in "Language Barriers," 2004). In such circumstances, researchers ponder whether language is an abstract concept that serves as a sole determinant in formulating subsequent thoughts, or if it is merely an influence, in that thoughts exist regardless of a presiding linguistic structure. The answer to such a philosophical query is inconclusive. The Dani were able to identify periphery colors (e.g., blue, green, red, etc.) which expanded beyond the domain of their black and white color-code rhetoric, indicating a loose correlation between the thoughts direct ideas hypothesis.

On the contrary, the Pirahã people, an aboriginal Brazilian community ("Language Barriers," 2004), were analyzed by Peter Gordon along a similar principle regarding their ability to infer beyond their sparse numerical system. The Pirahã language has three terms to depict quantitative measures: the word for one translates as "one or two," the word for two implies "a few," and the word for many equates with the concept of a much larger, but unspecified number. The Pirahã people found adapting to an intricate numeral categorization quite taxing and seemed unable to grasp certain elements. They struggled to comprehend counting concepts that required them to surpass the "eighth" entity, although they were able to fulfill certain tasks by "chunking" items together into clusters. It is noteworthy to mention that the Pirahã do not have a pressing need to become adept at a sophisticated numbering system, since they utilize bartering methods in lieu of a fixed monetary exchange. As suggested by many psychologists, human beings are cognitive misers (Ebenbach & Keltner, 1998; Moss & DiCaccavo, 2005), which relates to the fact that given a restricted amount of cerebral space with which one can intellectualize information and learn new material, people tend to efficiently take shortcuts or extract unnecessary material that might not pertain to their lifestyles. Nevertheless, a school opened in the community after the study was conducted; its emphasis on Portuguese and mathematics has influenced the Pirahã notion of quantity such that studies like Gordon's are no longer valid.

Click Languages

The movie The Gods Must Be Crazy (Tomaselli, 2006) introduced mainstream Western culture to the existence of click languages (Fullager & Hickey, 2004; Glausiusz, 2003; Wade, 2003), which are distinguished from other speech patterns based on distinct resonant sounds. These languages are found in select southern African nations such as Botswana, Namibia, and South Africa. As the name suggests, successive click reverberations between the tongue and roof of the mouth, combined with the presence of sharply inhaled breaths, produce a series of noises that emulate a snapping sound. All of the click languages were initially consolidated into one category, although contemporary theorists suggest tremendous disparity between the different divisions, akin to the demarcation between diverse "standard" languages such as English and Japanese. Presumably, the origins of modern-day speech are rooted in click languages, but have persisted among huntinggathering societies for pragmatic reasons. In the midst of hunting game, even soft utterances in hushed tones can be disruptive and send potential prey scurrying to a safe location. Clicking, on the other hand, can be mistaken for the rustling of a tree or other organic disturbances, and therefore poses no threat to an animal's survival (Pennisi, 2004; Quizzical, 2001).

Rhymes & Verses

While it is apparent that language differences can serve as a tremendous barrier for establishing a rapport among various cultures, Fortier (2002) suggests that such multiplicity can prove to be beneficial for communities that benefit under the guise of manipulation and/or deception. For example, the Raute are a small hunting-and gathering Nepalese community that rarely integrates with their agricultural counterparts, with the exception of bartering reasonable prices for market goods, and has thus actively resisted outside political initiatives to assimilate. In an attempt to deflect attention from their divergent, eclectic lifestyles or to circumvent other people's efforts to acclimate them into mainstream society, the Raute often exaggerate their dialectical differences in attempt to captivate spectators through cleverly crafted verses. As an example, the following is an ode that conveys the desire to negotiate a lower-priced bargain:

Traders have to get a good price And relatives have to eat rice (Fortier, 2002, p. 236)

Such rhymes comprise their everyday verbal interaction with the outside world. Another limerick that defends both the hunting-gathering lifestyle over that of an agricultural one, as well as endorsing the desecration of monkeys for personal gain is as follows:

The monkey's thigh is in the shaman's meat, Having no farmland what shall we eat? (Fortier, 2002, p. 251)

Each stanza is carefully constructed and hummed to exact precision by focusing on the lull and enunciation of key words and phrases, which ultimately influences the desired outcome.

Family Relationships

Javo, et al. (2004) addresses differences that are typically found between (a) individualistic cultures that stress concepts centering around each distinct person (i.e., the "I") such as autonomy and personal space, which prevail throughout most of Europe and the United States, and (b) collectivist societies that focus on group ideals and solidarity (i.e., the "we"), and tend to abound in certain European regions, Latin America, and Africa. Among the latter group, childrearing practices that emphasize the instillation of empathy, along with prolonged mother-child body contact, are desired. From a historical perspective, however, it appears that hunting-gathering parenting techniques tended to establish independence and self-reliance as tribal members pioneered new territory, while more affluent and agriculturally based communities imparted compliance and mandated strict adherence to group standards.

The Sami are an indigenous people who reside in pockets of Scandinavia, Finland, and Russia, and have traditionally been a hunting-gathering community. Similar to the tyranny and discrimination that has been endured by many native cultures (e.g., American Indians within the United States; Glor, 1992), the Sami have found themselves in transit, whereby they have been forced to adapt to unfamiliar cultural norms that do not reflect their group canon. In examining the distinctive cultural childrearing methods between Sami and Norwegian parents, Javo et al. (2004) found that the former encourage more freedom by establishing a less rigid governance, while forging parent-child bonds that formulate enhanced levels of physical contact (e.g., communal sleeping patterns). Typical to many cultural customs, Sami parents use folklore as a means to discipline their children, such as scare tactics that include supernatural beings. Also, although Sami parents generally promote peaceful peer relations, they grant immunization to such a rule when their children are in the throes of confrontation, whereby retaliation is permissible.

Hunter (2000) reveals that the sleep patterns of the !Kung people of Botswana, Namibia, and Angola coincide with collectivist ideals. Sleeping for the !Kung is a social process, in which people lie down next to others within their peer group (e.g., teenagers sleep with teenagers, elders sleep with elders) and mothers sleep with their young. In fact, the Western cultural ideal that a mother sleeping with her child is taboo is a fairly new phenomenon that evolved within the last 100 years, perhaps partially based on the mixed messages that society transmits regarding sexual boundaries and taboos (National Review, 2005). In actuality, the nocturnal mother-child sleep embrace can facilitate bonding, assist with breastfeeding, and ward off sleep problems. Another facet surrounding the !Kung lifestyle is their keen penchant for frequent catnaps; they do not indulge in the Western "8 hours of REM sleep" recommendation (Westcott, 2007), perhaps because they have to be mindful of predators at any given moment, and they are likely impervious to the ramifications of a Western "9 to 5" lifestyle.

Conclusion

To thoroughly understand humankind, it is essential to explore our historical and evolutionary blueprints, which unearth the sequential, progressive strides that have been collectively undertaken, and which ultimately influence modern-day behavioral patterns. Anthropologists help shed such a light on contemporary non-Western trends in order to provide an all-inclusive overview on the human condition. Rather than criticizing Western traditions as those that reflect egocentric and materialistic standards (Lopez-Garay, 1998), or condemning hunting-gathering communities as "backwards," ignorant, or unsuccessful (Parish, 1999), it is advantageous to honor the complementary nature of divergent cultures. Indeed, Marshall Sahlins's commentary on hunting-gathering values touches upon that which is most commonly associated with Western pursuits (i.e., wealth) within an evenly-distributed group context, and might, perhaps merge hemispheric disparity into a united force: [Hunting and gathering is] "…the original affluent society…in which all the people's wants are easily satisfied" (as cited in Leakey, 1981, p. 98).

Terms & Concepts

Click Languages: Languages that are found in select southern African countries such as Botswana, Namibia, and South Africa, and are distinguished from other speech patterns based on distinct resonant sounds.

Ethnoarchaeology: The sociological study of contemporary cultures in order to glean insight into how their ancestors lived.

Hunter-Gatherers: Distinct from agriculturally-based societies, hunters-and-gatherers subsist on foraging wild game and vegetation.

Pumé (Yaruro): A Venezuelan hunting-and-gathering community consisting of two separate subcategories: River Pumé and Savanna Pumé.

Sami: An indigenous people of Scandinavia, Finland, and Russia, who have traditionally been a hunting-gathering community.

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Wade, N. (2003). In click languages, an echo of the tongues of the ancients. New York Times, 152 (52426), 2-2.

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Suggested Reading

Eren, M. I. (2012). Hunter-gatherer behavior: Human response during the Younger Dryas. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press.

Frison, G. (2004). Survival by hunting: Prehistoric human predators and animal prey. USA: University of California Press.

Read, D. W. (2012). How culture makes us human: Primate social evolution and the formation of human societies. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press.

Schrire, C. (2009). Past and present in hunter-gatherer studies. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press.

Walker, R. B. & Boyce, N. D. (2007). Foragers of the terminal Pleistocene in North America. USA: University of Nebraska Press.

Wallace, R. L. (1991). The tribal self: An anthropologist reflects on hunting, brain, and behavior. USA: University Press of America.