Politics of Appearance

Abstract

This article focuses on the powerful role that appearance, and especially perceptions of beauty versus ugliness, plays within society. Trends such as plastic surgery, tanning, and the use of Internet filters illustrate the social importance of beauty norms. Attribution theory is presented, including the biased attributions that teachers, employers, clinicians, and even families may utilize. Finally, pressures that commonly face women and men are discussed separately.

Overview

Pithy sayings such as "beauty is in the eye of the beholder" and "don't judge a book by its cover" suggest that aesthetics are not only subjective but that they are secondary to the internal depth and beauty that resides within. Parents often reassuringly repeat such mantras to their children, hoping to infuse values that reflect wisdom, profundity, and skill over that which is superficial and frivolous. However, the real world is also rife with messages that suggest the contrary. In many ways, society is obsessed with the attainment of beauty, with ideals of appearance pervasively conveyed through media images—from magazine covers depicting highly manicured public figures refined to perfection, to television shows glorifying radical makeovers, to unrealistic curated content on social media (Dixon, 2008; Oakes, 2019). People strive for flawless physical enhancement and pursue various pathways to achieve optimal results. Exercise, diet, beauty regimes, and over-the-counter elixirs are common routes that many people factor into their everyday schedules in the never-ending quest toward youthful allure.

The social weight of appearance is evident in the economic clout of industries devoted to shaping one's physical image. From fashion to exercise, there is enormous demand for products and services centered on improving one's looks—which is then often linked to improvements in physical and mental health as well. Yet, whereas exercise clearly does improve physical well-being and even clothing does have functions beyond appearance, other industries are entirely concerned with superficial appearance. Perhaps the most notable example is the cosmetic surgery industry. From the 1990s into the twenty-first century, the number of cosmetic surgical and minimally invasive procedures rose sharply and steadily, according to annual reports by the American Society of Plastic Surgeons. In 2021, plastic surgery was a $39 billion dollar industry, and this number is projected to keep increasing (GlobeNewswire, 2022). This increase was seen not just in adults but also in adolescents, many of whom cited fellow family members and television shows as a source of inspiration for permanently altering their figures in an attempt to surmount the bodily insecurities that frequently plague teenagers ("Plastic Surgery," 2006). Studies have also suggested that friend and peer influences regarding appearance and social media use contribute to adolescents' body dissatisfaction and desire for cosmetic procedures (Webb & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2014; Vries et al., 2014).

Efforts to enhance one's appearance are a complex sociological phenomenon. On a basic level, they fit into the concept from evolutionary psychology that humans, like other living things, are primarily driven to procreate; being beautiful makes one more attractive to potential mates. However, studies have shown that not all standards of beauty are innate but in fact, are heavily shaped by other interconnected social forces. The politics of appearance are therefore tied to many other aspects of life, which sociologists seek to better understand from a variety of perspectives.

Applications

An important concept in the sociology of appearance is attribution theory. The origins of this theory were first established by Fritz Heider (1958) and relate to the causal factors that people ascribe toward understanding human behavior, which are not necessarily rooted in objective truth. People then interact with these skewed perceptions as opposed to reality itself. For example, Jane just got a new haircut and confidently heads out of the salon toward her car. En route, Jane emanates with exuberance as she revels in her newly coiffed style and as such, is more engaging with passersby, smiling at strangers as they meander about. They, in turn, respond to her friendliness by warmly gesturing in her direction. Jane falsely attributes this reception as resulting from her new hairdo and makes a silent pact with herself to always keep abreast of the latest fashions in order to garner such a response. Hence, she attributes popularity to beauty, when in reality, the passersby were merely responding to her initial enthusiasm. This difficulty in distinguishing between correlation and causation creates a challenge not only for everyday people seeking to understand others' reactions but also for researchers attempting to understand broad trends (Oakes, 2019).

The characteristics that people attribute toward those regarded as attractive are quite favorable, as beautiful people are often believed to be smarter and equipped with more powerful leadership abilities (Sarty, 1975; Landy & Sigall, 1974; Cherulnik, 1995). Not surprisingly, when it comes to affairs of the heart, people tend to closely align with this premise, as was noted by Constance L. Spreadbury and Joy B. Reeves (1979), who found that male college students were more apt to value looks over personality. However, one might innocently assume that an educational arena is a safe haven that wards off any potential "attraction" bias and that teachers render impartial treatment toward their impressionable young students in order to provide equitable learning opportunities. Yet research findings on this matter consistently suggest otherwise. For example, Margaret M. Clifford and Elaine Walster selected 504 Missouri principals to participate in a study examining this phenomenon, whereby the principals were provided several packages, each of which contained the report card and photograph of an unfamiliar child. Consistent with attribution theory, the principals gauged each child's scholastic aptitude against their physical pictorial, assigning a higher intellect and greater parental involvement toward those who were attractive, captured through the following commentaries:

• "This boy appears to be slightly sullen in picture. I realize not too much can be established by a picture. I would feel that the boy is not as good as student as the report card indicates."
• "I found myself judging much on the photo when I wasn't too sure of my answer."
• "The child's ‘clean-cut’ look influenced my opinion on number 1 (i.e., IQ)" (Clifford & Walster, 1973, p. 255).

In a related study, P. Kenealy, N. Frude, and W. Shaw found that teachers rated attractive students as "more sociable, more popular, academically brighter, more confident, and more likely to be leaders than unattractive children" (1988, p. 380). Teacher biases have a significant effect on student performance, which was encapsulated through a research project initiated by Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968). In their groundbreaking study, they randomly labeled a small group of students under fictitious terms, indicating that they were intellectually superior and told their teachers to expect this group to scholastically "blossom" within a one-year timeframe. Remarkably, such students did, in fact, score significantly higher on their IQ tests the following year, thus demonstrating the powerful impact teacher expectations have upon impressionable young students. The implications of these findings surround the ways in which teachers perpetuate the beauty myth by advancing more opportunities and therefore exalting students with captivating appearances.

Extending beyond the realm of education, the job force equally suffers a similar fate, one that falsely attributes advantageous traits toward those blessed with a fetching form and high levels of sensual captivation. After all, if people attribute attractiveness with intelligence and competency, a common assertion would suggest that these beauties would be likelier candidates for professional prospects. Indeed, such impartiality is frequently exposed during the job interview process, as well as through differential salaries that those who fall on opposite sides of the attractive continuum receive (The Tyranny, 1987; Watkins & Johnston, 2000; Barro, 1998; Loh, 1993; Roszell, Kennedy, & Grabb, 1989). The US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) contains several provisions surrounding discriminatory decrees, each of which authorizes equity across a variety of factors, including race, color, religion, sex, national origin, and ability. A blatant omission from that list includes discrimination based on physical appearance, although various legal proceedings have targeted such grievances, including lawsuits surrounding weight-based claims, as well as employees who violated various grooming or dress code policies. Often, these allegations can fall under a distinct EEOC category.

An example of this can be seen in the case of Fitzpatrick v. City of Atlanta (1993), in which a group of African American firefighters filed a lawsuit claiming racial injustice upon the mandate that they shave their beards, a standardized regulation to which all firefighters were expected to adhere. However, they each claimed to have pseudolfolliculitis barbae (i.e., PFB), a skin disorder that primarily afflicts the African American community, whereupon shaving, the facial hair grows back in an unruly manner that causes inflammation.

Clinical professionals, whose job duties often include helping clients overcome feelings of worthlessness and low self-esteem, are not exempt from perpetuating stereotypes centered on appearance. Based on a comprehensive literature review, Zander Ponzo (1985) reflected that people unconsciously equate beauty with health, success, and survival, which is then propagated by media influences. Also, through self-fulfilling prophecies, or rather, other-fulfilling prophecies, people tend to live up to the expectations that are placed upon them by society. If the unattractive are considered less intelligent and unsuccessful than their eye-catching counterparts, they eventually concede to such mediocrity; hence, the stereotype becomes reality. This process plays out in the mental health field with evened reciprocation, in that attractive counselors are judged more auspiciously, and counselors similarly display a penchant for YAVIS clients (Young, Attractive, Verbal, Intelligent, and Successful) whose treatment goals are projected to be undertaken more productively (Schofield, as cited in Ponzo, 1985, p. 483). Certainly, these mutual predispositions are unfortunate, for they dismiss the psychological needs of the unsightly patient, and they bypass the credentials of the qualified yet homely doctor. Ponzo indicates that in order to eradicate such biases, an admission of such predilections is of paramount importance and can be elicited through self-awareness strategies. These strategies enable the clinician to reflect upon his client's physicality, address issues they have with their own appearance, and uphold healthy rhetoric between themselves and the client.

Ideally, families serve as a means to unconditionally love and support each member, offering a protective barrier from an otherwise ruthless world that values shrewd perfection and aggressive tendencies amid a sea of competition, rejection, and heartache. Indeed, David Knox and Caroline Schacht (2008) reveal that one of the functions of marriage is for each partner to offer the other an "in-house" counselor, or unreserved advocacy on behalf of their spouse's well-being and that one of the functions of parenting is to serve as the source of emotional reserve for their children. In reality, social scientists have recognized a vast array of dysfunctional families, including those that are neglectful or verbally and physically abusive (Borrego & Urquiza, 1999; Parton, 1982; Rynders, 2006). Nevertheless, one might logically surmise that if anybody should overlook the physical unattractiveness in children, it should be parents. After all, having "a face only a mother could love" suggests that looks are an irrelevant force that seldom hampers the mother-child bond.

Contrary to such a conviction, Bruce Roscoe, John Callahan, and Karen Peterson (1985) conducted a study in which college students who demonstrated a prospective desire to bear children in the future were provided with various photographs of children, some of whom suffered from physical deformities (such as hypohidrotic ectodermal dysplasia or Escobar syndrome). The study examined the level of attractiveness students assigned each child and also examined which children the students determined would be likely recipients of abuse. Students deemed the less attractive children as being more prone to abuse, and this belief was most emphatically held by those who had previously found employment in child-care fields. Perhaps these college students, who had acquired experiential knowledge of parent-child dynamics, had seen the less favorable treatment bestowed upon kids who were deemed less attractive. Or, maybe the college students were projecting forthcoming interactions that they imagined forging with their future children, implying that those blessed with beauty would prevail over those less fortunate.

Gender Norms

Women. Much research has investigated the social pressures of physical appearance on women. Starting in adolescence, it is not uncommon for girls to fall prey to the overwhelming pressures of maintaining a thin physique, and thus eating disorders such as anorexia nervosa or bulimia nervosa emerge (Lucas, 2008; Nilsson, Sundbom, & HÄgglÖf, 2008; Hall, Friedman, & Leach, 2008; Mitchell & Steffen, 2008). Although anorexia can occur among men, especially athletes who strive to compete in tournaments within a lower weight category (e.g., wrestling), the vast majority of reported cases of anorexia affect women and girls (Reel & Galli, 2006; American Psychiatric Association, 2000). Those with anorexia often cautiously monitor their caloric intake by strictly limiting food consumption in order to sustain significant weight loss. The disorder combines a behavioral component (i.e., food restriction) with problematic mental conceptions regarding their distorted body images. Regardless of how thin these teens become, even to the point of blatant emaciation, they see themselves as fat and continually strive to lose more weight. Bulimia, in contrast, is marked by binge-and-purge behavior, whereby large quantities of food are consumed, directly followed by strategies to extract the consumed food, either by vomiting, laxative or diuretic usage, or extensive exercise. Conversely, in the twenty-first century, body ideals shifted. Though being thin will always be social desirable, celebrities like Jennifer Lopez and Kim Kardashian popularized more curvy figures. This led many young women to questionable plastic surgery procedures that promised to duplicate this body type.

Furthermore, women are burdened with the stress that accompanies living in a society that correlates beauty with youthfulness. In general, Western civilization reveres youthfulness in comparison with other societies that appreciate the accumulated strides and wisdom that the elderly have accrued. Those societies accept and assist elderly members as they gracefully progress through maturation. Western society, and the United States in particular, shows less respect for its aged citizens by herding them into retirement at early ages, doubting their cognitive abilities, and branding them with stereotypes that portray them as incompetent (Cuddy, Norton, & Fiske, 2005). The pressures that correspond with aging are more severe for women, however, particularly with regard to physical beauty, as older men are often deemed "distinguished" while older women are assigned much less flattering adjectives (Hatch, 2005).

The reason for such discrepancy can be argued through the nature-nurture debate. The "nature" side of the fence argues that people are instinctually geared for procreation, and the male desire to procreate corresponds with seeking out females who are both youthful and beautiful: youthful because women have a smaller window of time during which they can procreate, and beautiful as an outward indication of their ability to healthfully reproduce (Pretty Women, 1993). The "nurture" perspective points to the bombardment of social influences (cultural dictates, media influences, and interpersonal pressures) that coerce women into suspending the aging process to the best of their ability. Pragmatically speaking, women are more likely than their male counterparts to endure "double jeopardy," or discrimination that intersects both sexism and ageism within the workforce since the "appearance" of an aged female is viewed detrimentally (Barnett, 2005; Handy, 2007).

As the number of women involved in US politics has grown, so too has debate over whether media coverage of their attire has affected their chances of being elected. Danny Hayes, Jennifer Lawless, and Gail Baitinger (2014) found that contrary to popular belief, only negative media coverage of politician appearance had a negative effect on voter perceptions and, importantly, that this held true regardless of the candidate's gender. Still, other researchers have consistently suggested that female politicians face much more scrutiny over their appearance than their male counterparts (Rosenfeld, 2019).

Men. Though much academic and popular media attention to the politics of appearance focuses on females, males also face various pressures. Perceived physical deficiencies, particularly when it revolves around stature, often lead to social persecution. Studies have shown that tall men are considered to be more competent (Cann, 1991) and that, incidentally, short men are more socially encumbered by their height than tall men are benefited from their lofty positions (Jackson & Ervin, 1992). According to Ellen Berscheid and Elaine Walster, "one individual characteristic which may account for a fair proportion of attractiveness variance, particularly in men, is height," a socially-driven, and perhaps biological ideal that is recognized unanimously, even among young children and pre-teens (1974, p. 178; Biernat, 1993). One glance at the preferences of women on Internet dating sites such as Tinder or Bumble reveals the overwhelming bias against shorter men as many women disclude them from their search entirely.

A related male insecurity revolves around body shape, in that men equate their masculinity with a brawn and muscular form and operate under the assumption that women are also desirous of such dimensions (Grieve, Newton, & Kelley, et al., 2005). Similar insecurities have been studied in gay men. Additionally, similar to the pattern that emerges among women, who tend to comparatively scrutinize their flaws against media figures, men who are exposed to immaculately sculpted male models displayed heightened levels of anxiety and hesitation toward their own body types ("Body Image," 2002; Lorenzen, Grieve, & Thomas, 2004; Oakes, 2019).

Male-patterned baldness is another source of contention that afflicts an estimated tens of millions of men in the United States alone. The symbolic meaning associated with a receding hairline includes a loss of virility and can ignite tremendous feelings of loss and insecurity. Treatments include topical formulas, drugs, and hair products that conceal the balding area. Another popular remedy that many men pursue once their hair begins to thin is shaving their entire head for a clean, fresh-shaven, athletic appearance.

Conclusion

People who are highly attentive toward their physical appearance are often regarded as shallow, while it is said that people of substance overlook trivialities concerning their looks and instead build a strong, character-driven foundation. However, as this article has demonstrated, people who are naturally attractive have the luxury of bypassing aesthetically oriented matters and tending to their internal fortitude since they have a distinct advantage over others by being presumed as more proficient and knowledgeable. As such, perhaps the average layperson who spends an exorbitant amount of time in the hair salon, the gym, or the clothing store is merely trying to unconsciously "get a leg up" on the competition in order to be equally regarded within the professional and/or educational realm. Hence, it is possible that these people are performing strategic foot-in-the-door operations that will allow them to break into their field of interest proportionate to their credentials and should not be viciously criticized for their vanity. After all, at the offset of one of their psychological studies, Dion, Berscheid, and Walster (1972) declared, "What is beautiful is good;" and undoubtedly, most people seek to be good.

Terms & Concepts

Anorexia Nervosa: The combination of a behavioral component (i.e., food restriction) and problematic mental conceptions regarding distorted body images.

Attribution Theory: The causal factors that people ascribe toward understanding human behavior, which are not necessarily rooted in objective truth.

Bulimia Nervosa: Binge-and-purge behavior, whereby large quantities of food are consumed directly followed by strategies to extract such edibles, either by vomiting, laxative usage, or extensive exercise.

Dysfunctional Families: Families that are neglectful, or physically, and/or verbally abusive.

Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC): A federal agency that oversees several provisions surrounding discriminatory decrees, each of which authorize equity among a variety of factors including race, race, religion, sex, national origin, and ability.

YAVIS: an acronym standing for "young, attractive, verbal, intelligent, and successful," used to describe the ideal psychotherapy client according to apparent therapist bias.

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Rosenthal, R., & Jacobson, L. (1968). Pygmalion in the Classroom. New York: Hold, Rinehart and Winston.

Roszell, P., Kennedy, D., & Grabb, E. (1989). Physical attractiveness and income attainment among Canadians. Journal of Psychology, 123 , 547-560. Retrieved August 26, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=5370744&site=ehost-live

Rynders, L. (2006). If you matter to someone, there is always a glimmer of hope. Reclaiming Children & Youth, 14 , 215-217. Retrieved August 26, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=19719036&site=ehost-live

Sarty, M. (1975). The 'pretty girl' as a sexual and reproductive stereotype. Presented at Western Psychology association; summary from Department of Human Behavior, University of Southern California School of Medicine.

Spreadbury, C. L., & Reeves, J. B. (1979). Physical attractiveness, dating behavior, and implications for women. Personnel & Guidance Journal, 57 , 338-341. Retrieved August 26, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=6456357&site=ehost-live

Stolley, K. (2011). Personal biography to social policy implications of the politics surrounding women’s bodies. Sex Roles, 65(7/8), 653–655. Retrieved October 29, 2013 from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=66257604

The tyranny of beauty. (1987). New Republic, 197 , 4-4. Retrieved August 26, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=12848330&site=ehost-live

Vries, D., Peter, J., Nikken, P., & Graaf, H. (2014). The effect of social network site use on appearance investment and desire for cosmetic surgery among adolescent boys and girls. Sex Roles, 71(9/10), 283-295. Retrieved January 22, 2016 from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=99195894&site=ehost-live&scope=site

Watkins, L. M., & Johnston, L. (2000). Screening job applicants: The impact of physical attractiveness and application quality. International Journal of Selection and Assessment, 8 , 76-84. Retrieved August 26, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=4519300&site=ehost-live

Webb, H. J., & Zimmer-Gembeck, M. J. (2015). Body image and body change strategies within friendship dyads and groups: Implications for adolescent appearance-based rejection sensitivity. Social Development, 24, 1–19. Retrieved January 13, 2015, from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=100274316&site=ehost-live&scope=site

What's age got to do with it? (1998). People, 50 , 90-96. Retrieved August 26, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=919622&site=ehost-live

Williams, R., & Ricciardelli, L. (2014). Social media and body image concerns: Further considerations and broader perspectives. Sex Roles, 71(11/12), 389–392. Retrieved January 13, 2015, from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=99711799&site=ehost-live&scope=site

Suggested Reading

Brumberg, J. J. (1998). The body project: An intimate history of American girls. New York: Vintage.

Etcoff, N. (2000). Survival of the prettiest: The science of beauty. New York: Anchor.

Schafer, M. H., & Ferraro, K. F. (2011). The stigma of obesity: Does perceived weight discrimination affect identity and physical health? Social Psychology Quarterly, 74, 76–97. Retrieved January 13, 2015, from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=65439418&site=ehost-live&scope=site

Smith, C. (2013). The confounding of fat, control, and physical attractiveness for women. Sex Roles, 66(9/10), 628–631. Retrieved October 29, 2013 from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=73928621

Webb, H. J., & Zimmer-Gembeck, M. J. (2014). The role of friends and peers in adolescent body dissatisfaction: a review and critique of 15 years of research. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 24(4), 564-590. Retrieved January 22, 2016 from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=99368128&site=ehost-live&scope=site

Wolf, N. (2002). The beauty myth: How images of beauty are used against women. New York: Harper Perennial.