Public Safety: Natural Disasters

Natural disasters include a range of events such as earthquake, hurricane, avalanche, flood, severe storms and volcanic eruptions. As such, they constitute risks to lives, health and the environment. It has become axiomatic within the social sciences that modern society is generally understood as a risk society (Beck, 1992). In risk society, risk is globalized and generalized in ways that seem out of the individual's control; nonetheless, science and technology are presented as solutions to the problems of uncertainty and anxiety that risk generates. Natural disasters exemplify events that seem out of the individual's control, that generate uncertainty and anxiety, and that have several elements in common: they are relatively unexpected; emergency and rescue personnel may be overwhelmed; and lives, public health and the environment are endangered (Department of Homeland Security, 2003). They disrupt "lives, spaces, organizations and institutions" (Iverson & Armstrong, 2008, p. 2) which policy and research responses have tended to assume were functioning adequately prior to the event. Moreover, natural disasters, such as Hurricane Katrina, as forms of "catastrophic risk," follow the poor (Beck, 2006) and exacerbate pre-existing social and economic divisions and vulnerabilities. Policy research and development therefore has focused on the intersection of local, regional and federal responses to natural disasters.

Keywords Community Emergency Response Team; Disaster Preparedness; Federal Emergency Management Association (FEMA); Hurricane; Natural Disaster; Policy; Risk Society; Risk Assessment

Social Issues & Public Policy > Public Safety: Natural Disasters

Overview

Natural disasters include a range of events such as earthquake, hurricane, avalanche, flood, severe storms and volcanic eruptions. As such, they constitute risks to lives, health and the environment. It has become axiomatic within the social sciences that modern society is generally understood as a risk society (Beck, 1992). In risk society, while risk is globalized and generalized in ways that seem out of the individual's control, nonetheless, science and technology are presented as solutions to the problems of uncertainty and anxiety that risk generates. Natural disasters exemplify events that seem out of the individual's control, that generate uncertainty and anxiety and that have several elements in common: they are relatively unexpected; emergency and rescue personnel may be overwhelmed; and lives, public health and the environment are endangered (Department of Homeland Security, 2003). They disrupt "lives, spaces, organizations and institutions" (Iverson & Armstrong, 2008, p. 2) which policy and research responses have tended to assume were functioning adequately prior to the event. Moreover, natural disasters, such as Hurricane Katrina, as forms of "catastrophic risk," follow the poor (Beck, 2006) and exacerbate pre-existing social and economic divisions and vulnerabilities. Therefore, policy research and development has focused on the intersection of local, regional, and federal responses to natural disasters.

Hurricane Katrina

There is perhaps no recent natural disaster that has touched the lives of Americans as did Hurricane Katrina (though some would argue that 2012s Hurricane Sandy, the largest and second most expensive hurricane in terms of damages, was equally devastating). In combination with Hurricane Rita, this natural disaster:

… displaced more than 1.5 million people, took more than 1800 lives, destroyed more than 200,000 homes and businesses, and left a scar of devastation on Louisiana and the Gulf Coast- both physical and psychological — that is likely to persist for decades (Allen, 2006, p. 2).

The images of people (and animals) standing on rooftops hoping to be rescued; homes being washed away under the force of the storm; news reports of elderly people stranded in nursing homes; and the sheer devastation to one of the country's most treasured cities continues to be an issue in America. Moreover, social and economic divisions played a role in saving peoples' lives. As Tierney (2006) notes, "When mandatory evacuations were ordered, those with automobiles and cash and credit to purchase gasoline and hotel rooms were able to act on those orders more readily than those without transportation and financial resources" (p. 13).

Many people have accused various levels of government of incompetence and indifference to the impact of Hurricane Katrina, and there continues to be debate as to why the levees, which were in such a poor state, had not been maintained over the years. Like the events of 9/11, Katrina continues to haunt the lives of many people who live in New Orleans as well as those who once did, but have been unable to return home. Much of the ensuing debate focused on blame, and as Wyatt-Nichol and Abel (2007) comment:

There was plenty of scapegoating in the immediate aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. Local governments blamed the state and federal government; state government officials blamed the local and federal government; federal government officials blamed the state and local governments; and on occasion, all levels of government blamed the victims themselves (p. 567).

There is a degree of consensus that all levels of government responded poorly to the impact of Hurricane Katrina, in part because there was little to no pre-existing risk assessment or disaster preparedness policies in place. Of course, the hurricane was predicted, but other than that, there was little warning to the people of New Orleans about the hurricane's potential for devastation. As a result, it became one of the most catastrophic natural disasters in American history (Tierney, 2006). Wyatt-Nichol and Abel (2007) argue that one of the reasons for the high death toll was the inadequate response by the federal government and its failure to recognize the strength of the disaster until it was too late. This understanding begs questions about the role of public policy in preparing for and responding to natural disasters and what theoretical frameworks support public policy responses.

Explaining Natural Disasters as Forms of Risk

Disaster scholarship focuses on different aspects of events that can be categorized as natural disasters, such as how different social groups’ response to disaster, factors that exacerbate the magnitude of the event, unintended consequences, suffering, and the role played in relief and response efforts by emergent community networks (Iverson & Armstrong, 2008).

In recent examples of what have been termed natural disasters (such as Hurricane Katrina), science and technology have played an increasingly significant role in explaining, predicting and preparing for disasters and managing their outcomes. Such approaches to natural disasters focus a "technological, techno-political or techno-health lens on creating and implementing institutional or organizational strategies for disaster preparation and management" (Iverson & Armstrong, 2008, p. 7).

Moreover, public policy and research has also been focused on the ways that such disasters exacerbate pre-existing social, cultural, environmental and even political divisions. As Neil Smith, an environmental geographer, notes:

It is generally accepted among environmental geographers that there is no such thing as a natural disaster. In every phase and aspect of a disaster — causes, vulnerability, preparedness, results and response, and reconstruction — the contours of disaster and the difference between who lives and who dies is to a greater or lesser extent a social calculus (Smith, 2006).

In such a view then, the impact of a natural disaster is highly dependent on the social and political contexts in which it occurs and in many cases contributes to increasing existing vulnerabilities. Moreover, the risk of natural disasters is unevenly distributed (Maruyama & Ruscher, 2006) and many recent disasters have highlighted how deeply interdependent economic and social activities are and how far-reaching the effects are of one event. For instance, Hurricane Katrina, which at the time was the largest natural disaster in US history, also had global impacts on global oil, gas and insurance markets (Kunreuther, 2006).

Despite these far-reaching effects, events that are categorized as natural disasters, like Hurricane Katrina, are classified as "low-probability-high-consequence" (LPHC) events. Yet, natural disasters appear to be increasing in frequency. Consequently, risk assessment and management have emerged as key strategies in the process of predicting and preparing for natural disasters.

Further Insights

Risk Assessment

Risk assessment is the field that determines the level of risk associated with a particular situation or perceived threat. However, as Schmidt-Thomé (2007) points out, risk assessment is relatively new area of research and requires international cooperation, which makes the development and implementation of policy very challenging.

For instance, hurricanes are considered one of the most dangerous forms of natural disasters. They are generally considered to be violent, tropical storms that originate in the western North Atlantic with winds that reach over 72 miles per hour. They are also sometimes referred to as "cyclonic storms." As these storms usually have devastating effects when they touch land, there is an increasing need to assess the kinds of damage that are likely to occur with an oncoming storm. However, the research in this field suggests that such assessments are not easy:

For hurricanes, the shortness of data series, and their often poor quality, explains why most of these questions cannot be answered with certainty. Even for the North Atlantic and the U.S. coastline … high-quality data on hurricane properties are very recent, and the rarity of the most extreme events makes landfall statistics uncertain (Hallegate, 2007, p. 1956).

Hurricanes are not the only natural disasters for which risk assessments are made. For instance, scientists are scrambling to understand and assess the risks related to global warming and its impact on climate and the ecosystem. Risk assessment in this area is extremely complicated as scientists try to determine which areas of the planet are most vulnerable and the possible mitigating factors. As Schmidt-Thomé (2007) notes, it is difficult to develop policy that accounts for the impact of natural disasters and, indeed, such policy planning is relatively recent. Nonetheless, strong policies and crisis preparation are the best available tools in the case of natural disasters (McConnell & Drennan, 2006). For instance, the federal and state responses to Hurricane Katrina offer an example of poor preparation that contributed to widespread devastation. Consequently, policy development needs risk assessment.

The complex area of risk assessment focuses on a wide range of issues, including:

  • Health risks (such as spread of disease, water contamination),
  • Vulnerable populations,
  • Emergency plans for pets and/or farm animals,
  • Evacuations,
  • Rescue operations,
  • Emergency communications,
  • Interruption and restoration of power,
  • Safety protocols,
  • Controlling access to the affected areas,
  • Supplies and shelter (United Engineering Foundation, 2006).

Yet, while it is possible to calculate levels of risk associated with the likelihood of a natural disaster, it is difficult to calculate the emotional and environmental aftermath of disasters. Clearly, as the example of Hurricane Katrina or the eruption of Mount St. Helens in 1980 suggest, some areas sustain ecological damage that could take decades (or longer) to repair. But there is perhaps no way to estimate the emotional damage-the stress, anxiety and personal losses-that people sustain in the aftermath of disaster. People often lose their homes and everything that has ever been dear to them. Although the loss of life is almost impossible to assess, some researchers (e.g. Cutter, 2005) have attempted to create a "vulnerability index" (called the Social Vulnerability Index) that measures social inequalities and the social vulnerability of places, using indicators associated with the built environment, levels of urbanization and economic vitality. As a consequence of improving risk assessment and collecting data about the potential impact of disasters, public policy has increasingly turned to disaster preparedness as way of encouraging people to engage in their own personal risk assessments.

Disaster Preparedness

Risk assessments make it possible for people to prepare (to the best of their ability) for an oncoming disaster. Yet, Kunreuther (2006) notes that public policy needs to ask some tough questions in relation to the responsibility of citizens to protect themselves in the face of natural disasters, especially those who live in hazard prone areas, such as flood plains or earthquake faults. Indeed, since the late 1980s, there has been an increasing policy focus on developing citizen preparedness for natural and other forms of disaster (such as from terrorism or biotechnology). In 1985, following the Whittier earthquake in Los Angeles, the LA Fire Department recognized the need for expanded support and initiated a program to train members of the local community to prepare themselves to be able to look after themselves and their families in the event of disaster (www.citizencorps.gov). Subsequently, this kind of training was expanded and funded by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) in 1993. Following the terrorist strikes of September 11, 2001, the President asked American citizens to volunteer their services to improve and safeguard the US; consequently the Citizens Corp Program was created, which focuses on encouraging and training people in local communities to prepare for and respond to disasters. Indeed, in recent years, especially following the impact of and response to Hurricane Katrina, FEMA has expanded and established emergency operations to deal with disasters specific to local environments (Sisiopiku, 2007).

Disaster preparedness is the field that tries to prepare people for natural disasters, which can catch people off guard and threaten huge numbers of lives. The development of policy in this area is seen as crucial; policy helps create the contingency plans that regions develop in order to protect people in the case of a natural disaster. A natural disaster is a crisis which requires calm thinking, rational strategies and well-thought out plans. It also implies that everyone understands the chain of command. People need to know their roles and responsibilities and not usurp them just to be a hero. Disasters are a time for measures that have been developed over time and deliver results.

Although the impact of natural disasters varies, they typically create havoc with infrastructure (water supply, roads, power lines, hospitals, utilities and communication). Damage to infrastructure has implications for health, lives and the environment and it is on these areas that disaster preparedness policy and training focus.

Viewpoints

Developing Community Capacity

For instance, the Community Emergency Response Team program (under the auspices of FEMA), funds and trains lay people to be confident in being able to look after themselves, their families and their neighborhoods in the event of a natural disaster. It does so by teaching people in communities to prepare for disaster by identifying and reducing potential hazards in the home and workplace (e.g. disruptions to gas lines, electric shock from displaced appliances, fire from faulty wiring, damage from falling objects); designating a safe room in the home; and developing a disaster supply kit.

Many states have developed their own regionally specific disaster policies and recommendations for disaster kits. For instance, King County in Washington State, developed a program called "3 Days-3 Ways" as part of an awareness-raising program to encourage citizens to think about disaster preparedness. As part of this initiative, the county collected data (www.kingcounty.gov) about people's awareness and found that the majority of people who participate in such training do so out of fear. Sometimes, this fear is out of proportion with the likelihood of a particular natural disaster in their local environment. The same survey found that although most people who felt motivated to participate in disaster planning did so specifically because of their fear of earthquake, in fact, in the last 50 years, fatalities caused by earthquake were low (www.kingcounty.gov).

In addition to personal disaster preparedness, training and raising community awareness of the need to be prepared, policies have developed to drive disaster readiness at federal and state levels. Such policies focus on managing infrastructure, emergency response coordination and communications.

For instance, a key issue in disaster preparedness is clean, potable water. It is imperative that disaster victims either have access to clean water, or information about what they need to clean the water they have. However, according to Ram, et al. (2007), this is an area that requires attention because of the difficulties of communicating to the public what is entailed in making water safe to drink following a natural disaster.

Similarly, technology is playing an important role in helping people prepare for disasters. Online forums, websites and support groups provide another source of information and a layer of support for people who live in regions that are at risk for natural disasters. For example, FEMA provides disaster updates via text messaging. "Online forums can extend the opportunity for grassroots social action to anyone who wants to get involved" (Palen, Hiltz, & Liu, 2007, p. 55), and are often used by local CERT groups to communicate during risk or disaster alerts. As Palen, Hiltz and Liu (2007) point out:

The reach of the Internet expands opportunities for public involvement, where those geographically removed from the disaster- and therefore with the critical resources of time, money, electrical power, and working computers and telephones in hand — can offer assistance (Palen, et al., 2007, p. 57).

Mock Simulations

Mock simulations have also proven to be an effective strategy for disaster preparedness. For example, massive fires and mudslides have often devastated southern California. "Dry runs" by local fire departments in places that are difficult to reach, such as Laurel Canyon, help the fire department and residents to be better prepared when real disaster occurs.

The advantage of mock exercises is that they provide the high level and intensity of training that first responders-including community volunteers-must have during a natural disaster. These exercises do what on the job training cannot do. However, because simulations are exercises and not "the real thing" they have their limitations. Consequently, a relatively new area is the development of computer simulations as part of a technological response to preparing for and managing natural disaster outcomes (Sisiopiku, 2007).

However, simulations cannot necessarily predict or deal with all potential need and outcomes in the context of disaster. For instance, one study (Rowland, et al., 2007) revealed that emergency service providers "did not have emergency preparedness policies, guidelines, or practices specifically designed to assist people with mobility impairments during emergencies" (p. 218). Many people with disabilities, especially persons who use mobility aids such as canes or wheelchairs, may require specific attention and/or assistance during a natural disaster. Moreover, not all people with disabilities live in large, urban areas, and disaster preparations are extremely problematic in rural areas because in rural areas generally lack personnel and financial resources. The problem is that because first responders have to deal with so many people in crucial situations, policies for dealing with people with disabilities has not yet been adequately developed.

Some of the outstanding issues from this research reveal the need for training in specific areas. For example there is a need for first responders to learn how to use adaptive equipment and how to communicate with people who have disabilities so that they are proactive and helpful, yet still sensitive to their situation.

Conclusion

Natural disasters are part of modern life, yet they often catch people unaware and unprepared. Moreover, natural disasters "follow the poor" and exacerbate pre-existing social and economic divisions. Consequently, public policy has increasingly focused on developing strong, practical strategies aimed at communities and states, so that when natural disasters occur, society is ready. Similarly, researchers (e.g. Tierney, 2006) have increasingly asserted that there is a crucial need for policies on intergovernmental and interorganizational cooperation during a crisis, such as a natural disaster. A crisis is an incident that cannot be handled locally and which requires federal resources. Moreover, natural disaster policy development needs to be able to take into account that natural disasters are unpredictable and that, as was seen in the cases of both Hurricanes Katrina and Rita, the aftermath can last far longer than anyone anticipates. For instance, infrastructural damage has unforeseen and lasting consequences and as Allen (2006) points out, closures of healthcare facilities and workforce displacements pose challenges for the recovery of an affected region's economic and health sector recovery (p. 6). Concomitantly, people can suffer from post-traumatic stress syndrome, financial ills, depression and other physical and emotional symptoms for years after the actual crisis has ended. Therefore, in addition to policies that focus on predication and preparedness, it is imperative to develop strategies that will be able to provide continuing support to regions and local areas that are damaged.

Terms & Concepts

Community Emergency Response Team: Federal program funded by FEMA that trains local lay people to prepare for disasters and be a first responder resource for their local community.

Disaster Preparedness: Policy area that deals with avoiding risks; preparing for disaster before it happens; disaster response (e.g. emergency evacuation, quarantine, mass decontamination, etc.); as well as supporting, and rebuilding society after natural or human-made disasters have occurred (www.averted.net).

Federal Emergency Management Association (FEMA): federal agency responsible for handling disaster mitigation, preparedness, response and recovery planning.

Hurricanes: Violent, tropical, cyclonic storms of the western North Atlantic, having wind speeds of, or in excess of, 72 mph (32 m/sec).

Natural Disasters: Events that seem out of the individual's control and have several elements in common: they are relatively unexpected, emergency and rescue personnel may be overwhelmed and lives, public health and the environment are endangered

Risk Assessment: The first step in a risk management process, determining the quantitative or qualitative value of risk related to a concrete situation and a recognized threat.

Risk Society: Modern and/or industrialized societies organized around the prediction and control of events and processes that are defined as unpredictable and unanticipated.

Bibliography

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Palen, L., Hiltz, S.R., & Liu, S.B. (2007). Online forums supporting grassroots participation in emergency preparedness and response. Communications of the ACM, 50, 54-58.

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Suggested Reading

Benson, C., & Clay, E. J. (2004). Understanding the economic and financial impacts of natural disasters (disaster risk management). Washington, D. C.: World Bank Publications.

Birkland, T. A. (1997). After disaster agenda setting, public policy and focusing events. Washington, D. C.: Georgetown University Press.

Hackbarth, M., Pavkov, T., Wetchler, J., & Flannery, M. (2012). Natural disasters: An assessment of family resiliency following hurricane katrina. Journal of Marital & Family Therapy, 38, 340–351. Retrieved November 14, 2013 from EBSCO online database, SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=74304376&site=ehost-live

Johnson, J.A., & Johnson III, J. (2013). Applied social sciences and public health in disaster response: Comparative analysis of New Orleans, Haiti, and Japan. National Social Science Journal, 39, 52–59. Retrieved November 14, 2013 from EBSCO online database, SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=86987874&site=ehost-live

Mitchel, J. K. (2005). Crucibles of hazard: Mega-cities and disasters in transition. Vancouver, B.C.: University of British Columbia Press.

Platt, R. H. (1999). Disasters and democracy: The politics of extreme natural events. Washington, D. C.: Island Press.

Essay by Ilanna Mandel, M.A.; Reviewed by Alexandra Howson; Edited by Alexandra Howson

Ilanna Mandel is a writer and editor with over seventeen years of experience, specifically in the health and education sectors. Her work has been utilized by corporations, non-profit organizations and academic institutions. She is a published author with one book and numerous articles to her credit. She received her MA in Education from UC Berkeley where she focused on Sociology and Education.

Alexandra Howson Ph.D. taught Sociology for over a decade at several universities in the UK. She has published books and peer reviewed articles on the sociology of the body, gender and health and is now an independent researcher, writer and editor based in the Seattle area.

Alexandra Howson Ph.D. taught Sociology for over a decade at several universities in the UK. She has published books and peer reviewed articles on the sociology of the body, gender and health and is now an independent researcher, writer and editor based in the Seattle area.