U. S. Politics: Voter Participation

Abstract

This paper takes an in-depth look at how voter participation has evolved in the modern United States and how it is gauged by political observers and sociologists alike. Such information not only paints a picture of how an election transpires but also provides a glimpse of the profile of the American voter.

Overview

The well-known conservative columnist George F. Will once offered his thoughts on the impact voters have on a democratic government. "Voters," he said, "don't decide issues. They decide who will decide issues" ("George F. Will," 1996). His words echo the words of the United States’ founders, who in the Declaration of Independence wrote of the critical importance of voter participation: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. — That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed" (Hancock, 2008).

Jefferson and Will both speak with a sense of respect and humility for the power of the electorate. When the United States achieved its independence, the founding fathers gave legislators and the president great authority to maintain and operate the everyday workings of the government. However, while the power to write laws and administer the multitude of tasks inherent in such a complex political system falls to elected officials, the fact that each of these officials must look to the electorate for an endorsement at the end of each term is indicative of the awesome power of the vote.

However, what is considered one of the United States of America's greatest political assets can also be an enormous flaw. If voters fail to participate in a system that relies on their polling input, the system is at risk for negative change such as increased corruption or irrelevant policymaking. Social scientists, taking this fact into consideration, tend to look at voter participation rates with great interest, seeking to uncover the dynamics behind voter behavior. Politicians also look at voter participation rates with perhaps even more concern; data concerning who travels to polling sites and in what numbers helps to gauge how an election will proceed.

This paper takes an in-depth look at how voter participation has evolved in the modern United States and how it is gauged by political observers and sociologists alike. Such information not only paints a picture of how an election transpires but also provides a glimpse of the profile of the American voter.

The Power of Inclusion. Ideally, democracies are built based on the diversity of the society they represent. Under democratic regimes, the people are protected from discrimination based on religion, race, or other sociological factors. The people are also encouraged to become involved in the affairs of government by selecting people to represent them and their interests at the local, state, and federal levels.

One of the most effective vehicles for this participation is the political party. Parties often represent a certain social demographic, special interest group, or collection thereof. The political interests of that group are imbued into party candidates, who are expected to adhere to the party line (Geys & Vermeir, 2008). Thus, there is a general timeline by which the process works — first, individuals form coalitions representative of their interests; next, those coalitions form political parties; third, those parties form platforms; and fourth, the people vote for (or against) the party candidate in a general election (Fernandez & Levy, 2008).

A discussion about political parties is important to the central discussion of this paper, for the message of political candidates (if affiliated) tends to come from the party platform. If a political system has a wide range of parties from which to choose a candidate that suits a voter's interests, then more people are inclined to participate in the political process. Likewise, if there are too few candidates and parties, the candidates' positions might seem watered down to the point of perceived ineffectuality or irrelevance, and as a result, fewer people may choose to participate in campaigns and elections.

Low US Voter Turnout. Some scholars suggest that the United States may experience lower-than-expected voter turnout for two major reasons.

  • First, the United States only has two major parties, the Democratic and Republican parties.
  • Second, joining and participating in the party system can be a difficult and inflexible experience.

Democracies with more diverse party composition and more flexible registration laws typically see a significantly higher voter turnout (Powell, 1986).

Voter participation is central to the success of a democracy and, as such, is one of the pivotal elements political candidates, political scientists, news media, and sociologists take into account when gauging the effectiveness of a given system. This paper next takes a look at a country with a high rate of voter participation. In doing so, the reader will glean a better understanding of some of the strengths and shortcomings of the American system.

As Required by Law. In 1924, turnout for the Australian national elections was, in the eyes of that nation, unacceptable — it had fallen below 60 percent. In the minds of Australians, it was clear that change was needed. The change was a new law that required all citizens of voting age to vote or be penalized with a fine. Such a law might seem counter to the fundamentals of a free and democratic society. However, polling consistently indicates that the majority of Australian citizens support the concept of mandatory voting (Weiner, 2004).

With a rate of voter participation surpassing 90 percent, according to the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (2013), Australia's law has elevated that country to the top of the world in terms of the number of people taking part in elections. However, the vote is still a secret ballot, and there is no fine or punishment for the individual who does not take the vote seriously. Australian election observers, in fact, take instances of voter apathy or civil disobedience in stride in their reports — some voters cast "donkey votes," so-called because the voter plays a game of "Pin the Tail on the Donkey" with candidate names in the booth. Others cast votes out of protest or vote in error. Officials regularly take account of hundreds of thousands of such "spoiled ballots" in federal elections. Many even challenge the idea of the law's mandate as "compulsory voting," as the law merely requires that people register to vote when they reach their eighteenth birthday and go to polling sites on Election Day — there is no compulsion to vote for one candidate over another.

The prevalence of "donkey votes" and other spoiled ballots have prompted some leaders and activists to argue for a return to a voluntary voting system. The unstated reason for this push is one that casts light on the sociological effects the law has had on private citizens. The chief proponents of the change tend to belong to the country’s more conservative political parties, which in turn tend to represent the interests of conservative, wealthier, and well-educated Australians.

Those who advocate for voluntary voting, it has been argued, see the current system as empowering those of lower social class, who tend to support more liberal politicians, to participate in the election system and vote in favor of their preferred parties' platforms. One study revealed that if a voluntary system replaced the current mandatory voting regime, voluntary voters would likely be well-educated, Australian- or British-born, wealthier, older citizens who would likely prefer a more conservative agenda. Comparing the two systems, the study indicated that if a voluntary voting system were enacted, the more conservative party would gain an advantage (Humphries, 2007).

The fact that nearly all Australians must register to vote and participate creates a strong sense of empowerment for those who may not otherwise experience such benefits of democracy. The controversy over whether to abolish this system is itself a testament to the success the regime has fostered — regardless of gender, age, race, or socioeconomic status, all must participate in their country's political process. Their party choices are myriad and represent the multifarious interests of a diverse Australian society.

The example of Australia provided here helps paint a picture of a society that features one of the highest voter participation rates in the world. Next, this paper will look at a democracy with a considerably lower rate — the United States.

Get Out the Vote. In 2006, US senator Joseph Lieberman (D-Connecticut) squared off against Democratic challenger Ned Lamont in one of the most hotly contested campaigns of the year. Turnout among Democrats, however, was but 43 percent. In fact, this sub-majority represented an even more paltry 15 percent of the total voting population of the state of Connecticut.

Citing a voter participation rate that was at best anemic, a New York Times editorial looked Australia for inspiration. After all, the US rate of voter turnout during national elections was at best hovering around 60 percent, whereas the Australian rate has consistently rested at more than 30 percent higher. The Times suggested following the Australian example and creating a mandatory voting law (Ornstein, 2006).

Suggestions about following the Australian lead present two important sociological points about voter turnout in the United States. The first is the notion of introducing a mandatory voter law in the US as it is on the books in Australia (as well as Belgium, Austria, and Greece). Of the more than 250 million Americans of voting age as of 2016, according to the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (2018), 214 million were indeed registered to vote, and, of that 214 million, only 140 million actually voted in the 2016 presidential election. For the 2018 general election, of the 255 million Americans who were of voting age, 211 million were registered to vote and only 120 million actually voted. The 2020 presidential saw the largest voter turnout in 120 years, with two-thirds of the voting eligible population casting a vote.

This idea of compulsory voting therefore seems, in the eyes of proponents of change, a viable solution for rectifying such low participation rates. In fact, the idea has been discussed in the United States for just this reason. However, issues of constitutionality have been cited, and some have argued that mandating voter participation would amount to the government impinging upon the rights of free citizens (a paramount concern in American society). An 1896 Missouri Supreme Court ruling confirms to opponents this view, but the US Supreme Court has not yet offered its opinion on such laws.

An interesting parallel between the US and Australia can be drawn in light of the opposition to compulsory voting. The unstated concern among US conservatives is the same as in Australia — that compulsory voting could activate a larger percentage of liberal-minded voters and create a disadvantage for conservatives (Dean, 2003). Until the US Supreme Court takes action regarding such issues, the idea of compulsory voting will remain an ideal for proponents and a fear for opponents.

A Two Party System. Absent the introduction of a compulsory voter statute, the American system seems set with a two-party system. The limited number of parties in the United States system means that there are fewer political parties with which voters may identify, and the difficulty people experience in joining the active ranks of these parties may further deter potential participation. Another factor of this two-party limitation may in fact preclude voter participation by disillusioning potential voters from participating in a general election, whether or not they are members of a party.

In a study of the 2004 national election, researchers hypothesized that in states in which one party dominated over the other (Democrats over Republicans, or vice versa), voter participation decreased in direct proportion to the degree to which this dominance occurred. Interestingly, the study takes into account the range of demographic factors that can play a role in how voter participation might take shape in any given state, such as the population of seniors and minority groups, economic conditions, employment, education, and income. By measuring for these social elements, the study shows that voter participation is diminished by the heightened influence of one of the two major parties (Cebula & Meads, 2008). Put simply, if a party appears dominant in a given state, voters are less likely to either vote against the dominant party (out of fear that they would be perceived as "throwing away their vote") or in favor of that party (operating under the mentality that a vote is not necessary).

Without a mandate that requires people to vote (or at least register to vote and visit polling sites on Election Day), more than 60 percent of registered American voters still take part in national elections. Some are driven by the issues (such as the economy, social justice, war, or the environment), others long-time political participants bound by what they perceive to be their civic duty. The question is thus posed: why do nearly 40 percent of registered voters stay at home on Election Day?

Campaign Strategy. A key factor that may help answer this question is the campaign itself. In Australia, campaigns are designed to appeal to the entire population, all of whom are expected to vote. The rhetoric, at least on the national level, may be less venomous in order to attract a larger percentage of the voting bloc in a general election. After all, every Australian will be at polling sites on Election Day. However, in the US, many candidates acknowledge that this 40 percent will remain on the sidelines, so they tend to focus on the social groups that have participated in past elections (including their key constituencies). In speaking to these voters, their campaign commentary will be more focused, and in many regards, critical of opponents and their platforms.

Negative Advertising. Negative advertisements have long been a staple of American political campaigns, helping distinguish candidates from one another in an emphatic manner. Many scholars have sought to determine whether negative advertising helps mobilize voters or turns them away, and the question remains a debatable one. However, one study, which focused on actual voter turnout on a county-by-county basis (rather than aggregate, survey-based data), reviews negative television and other media campaign advertisements and gauges how such programming impacted potential voting behavior. The results indicate that such advertising, while likely galvanizing already committed voters, actually works to demobilize potential voters from going to the polls (Franko, 2007).

Focusing on the Issues. Mobilization does not come primarily from the elimination of negative campaigns, however. Much of the change that may occur to elevate American voter participation rates comes from the issues themselves. It is here where the US system, as is the case in most representative modern democracies, most resembles the Australian system and shows the most potential for improved participation rates. As issues become more and more important to the average citizen, he or she may become more active in seeking a political response. Fears of global warming and climate change, for example, have led citizens to look to political candidates and their parties to act on their behalf. Another example is the increased attention to the plight of those of diverse cultures and immigrants, both legal and illegal, who have also created a political base to which candidates have been well advised to pay attention (Lieske, 2006). These issues were not necessarily introduced in political settings, but as citizens look for political representation regarding the issues, voter participation can increase.

Conclusion

Voting is at the heart of a democratic government. Voter participation is therefore central to the effectiveness of that ideal. It comes as no surprise that pundits and academics alike bemoan low participation and Election Day turnouts. This frustration is amplified by comparisons to significantly higher participation rates in other democratic countries.

This paper presents an in-depth look at the issues concerning voter participation in the United States by offering a comparison to the system in Australia, a nation that has successfully implemented compulsory voting. In doing so, the reader will see that the limited number of and access to political parties and negative campaigning are among the concerns that voters view as impediments to their participation. A compulsory voting law could open the voting playing field and increase participation as well. Finally, politicizing the issues (in other words, looking to government to address issues of social or technological origins) may continue to activate previously uninvolved citizens. How the United States chooses to adopt changes that will motivate all of its eligible citizens to voice their ideals and concerns remains the subject of continuing study.

Terms & Concepts

Compulsory Voting: Statute that requires individuals of legal voting age to enroll and participate in elections.

Demographic: Statistical characterization of a social group within a larger population.

Donkey Votes: Voting tactic in Australia whereby a voter casts votes in a random, uncommitted fashion.

Mobilization: Activation of a group to support an endeavor.

Negative Advertising: Campaign tactic whereby the opponent's perceived shortcomings are highlighted and criticized.

Voter Turnout: Statistical review of voter participation on Election Day.

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Suggested Reading

Abramson, P.R., Diskin, A. & Felsenthal, D.S. (2007). Nonvoting and the decisiveness of electoral outcomes. Political Research Quarterly, 60, 500–515. Retrieved June 13, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=26502912&site=ehost-live

Adams, J., Dow, J. & Merrill, S. (2006). The political consequences of alienation-based and indifference-based voter abstention. Political Behavior, 28, 65–86. Retrieved June 13, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=21073850&site=ehost-live

Bean, C. (2011). The internet and democratic engagement in Australia. Social Alternatives, 30, 26–30. Retrieved November 13, 2013, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=71702764

Franklin, M.N. (2004). Electoral participation and the character of elections. Conference Papers — Midwestern Political Science Association, 1–30. Retrieved June 13, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=16055350&site=ehost-live

Jackson, R.A. & Carsey, T.M. (2007). US Senate campaigns, negative advertising and voter mobilization in the 1998 midterm election. Electoral Studies, 26, 180–195. Retrieved June 13, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=23946313&site=ehost-live

Kunovich, S. (2012). Voting rates 1989 to 2007. International Journal of Sociology, 42, 60–77. Retrieved November 13, 2013, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=73523395

Lieske, J. (2005). Cultural and subcultural effects on voting turnout in U.S. presidential elections. Conference Papers — Midwestern Political Science Association, 1–50. Retrieved June 13, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=18606805&site=ehost-live

Schill, D., & Kirk, R. (2017). Angry, passionate, and divided: Undecided voters and the 2016 presidential election. American Behavioral Scientist, 61(9), 1056–1076. doi:10.1177/0002764217709040. Retrieved March 9, 2018, from EBSCO Online Database Sociology Source Ultimate. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sxi&AN=125876350&site=ehost-live&scope=site

Essay by Michael P. Auerbach, MA

Michael P. Auerbach holds a bachelor's degree from Wittenberg University and a master's degree from Boston College. Mr. Auerbach has extensive private and public sector experience in a wide range of arenas: political science, comparative cultural studies, business and economic development, tax policy, international development, defense, public administration and tourism.