Segregation (sociology)

For a century after the Civil War, white and black Americans worked to sort out the nature of the relationships they would create to govern their interactions. It is overly simplistic to see the creation of de jure segregation that came to rule those relationships in the South as an inevitable by-product of the demise of slavery; instead, both the formal and informal rules of Jim Crow evolved slowly through the remainder of the 19th century. One result was the impoverishment of the region, for both whites and blacks. As blacks fled from the racial violence that became a hallmark of Jim Crow, they found themselves locked in a new pattern of discrimination in the North and Midwest: de facto segregation also limited the options opened to black citizens. The Civil Rights movement challenged both types of segregation, resulting in substantial changes in the social and economic realities for both races, but lingering vestiges of discrimination remain.

Keywords Brown v Board of Education; Civil Rights Act of 1964; De Facto Segregation; De Jure Segregation; Federal Fair Housing Act; Fourteenth Amendment; Jim Crow; Milliken v Bradley; Plessy v Ferguson (1896); Reconstruction; Redlining

Segregation

Overview

The decades before the Civil War found the vast majority of African Americans in a state of slavery in the Southern and mid Atlantic states. An inevitable by-product of slavery was a high degree of physical and social proximity between whites and blacks. Slave owners and slaves lived on the same property, sharing work space; owners had their most intimate needs tended to by their slaves. When the Thirteenth Amendment abolished slavery, a new system of relationships between whites and blacks had to be established. By the beginning of the 20th century, de jure segregation created a protocol, much of it formalized in law, which regulated almost every aspect of those relationships.

When blacks started migrating North, no such formal system was in place. What emerged instead was a system of de facto segregation, one which could be every bit as restricting as the more legally binding system found in the South. The social and economic consequences of both systems of segregation were significant and affected both races. By mid-20th century, the Civil Rights Movement arose to challenge both systems of segregation. While the changes have been immense, vestiges of segregation can still significantly impact the lives of black Americans today.

History

19th Century America

In his seminal work, The Promise of the New South: Life After Reconstruction, Edward Ayers argued that race relations after Reconstruction were far more complex and fluid than they appear at first glance. Still, the rituals of race relations colored every aspect of personal interactions. For instance, when a young boy referred to a respected black man as "Mr. Jones," his aunt told him: "No, son, Robert Jones is a nigger. You don't say 'mister' when you speak of a nigger….[You] say 'nigger Jones'" (Ayers, 1992, p. 132). Even certain days of the week were segregated. By custom, blacks were expected to come into town to shop only on Saturday afternoons; white shoppers knew to stay away. Nonetheless, civil relationships were possible, even in the face of general and mutual dislike, and periodic, outright violence. Elderly and "worthy" blacks were treated with kindness; doing so was seen as a sign of good character on the part of whites (Ayer, 1992). The question remains: how did race relations change to such a degree as to give rise to the Civil Rights Movement?

Consider one of the more famous images from the Civil Rights movement: African Americans were peacefully protesting in Birmingham, Alabama, when Bull Connor, the city sheriff who became synonymous with racial antipathy, used dogs and water cannon to break up the demonstration. With that image it is possible, even easy, to see a single straight narrative from slavery to viciously enforced segregation. Jane Dailey (2002), writing of interracialism in 19th century Virginia, disagreed with this view. "It [has become] easy to see white supremacy as irresistible," she wrote, arguing that this view is too limiting (quoted in Kelly, 2004, p. 4). By focusing on the inevitableness of white supremacy, she believed, one misses the moments of possibility, sensed by both races, for greater equality during the decades between emancipation and Jim Crow.

Brian Kelly (2004) suggested that it is ironic that Birmingham has become a symbol of white supremacy; the city was founded after the Civil War as a modern beacon of industrialism. The elite of the city were repeatedly shaken by interracial strikes in which blacks and whites came together against enormous obstacles to challenge the racial and class hierarchies of the city. In 1908 and 1920, the state declared martial law to break up labor protests. Kelly saw the use of troops as a means of legitimizing vigilante justice. Thus, he suggested, the "visceral racism" that was so visible by 1963, was not a "natural, inevitable feature of Southern society," but rather a "historic consequence" of the aftermath of the strikes (Kelly, 2004, p. 5).

Southern industrial elites understood that their ability to compete with the more technologically advanced mills of the North was dependant on a continual exploitation of both white and black labor that maintained a "racial hierarchy." Jacquelyn Hall suggested that Jim Crow should be understood as racial capitalism, "a system that combined de jure segregation with hyper exploitation of black and white labor" (quoted in Kelly, 2004, p. 7).

In the 1870's, vast reserves of coal and iron ore were discovered in Birmingham, making feasible the dream of a Southern city to rival Pittsburgh. To make that dream a reality, though, the new industrialists needed one more factor: an endless supply of cheap labor.

“Nowhere in the world is the industrial situation so favorable to the employer as it is now at the south,” a typical editorial in the Manufacturers' Record boasted. The black worker, in particular, represented to industrial élites the “most important working factor in the great and varied resources of the [region],” whose labour would “yet aid his white friends … to take the lead in the cheapest production on this continent.” (Kelly, 2004, p. 8)

In short, according to industrial historian David W. Lewis (1984), Birmingham became "an iron plantation in an urban setting" (quoted in Kelly, 2004, p. 8).

As the industrial class solidified its political control through the 1880s, it was faced with a new threat: agrarian discontent that drove poor white farmers and sharecroppers from the Democratic Party. As the new Populist Party tried to build a base of support to challenge the Democrats, it also sought votes from African Americans, drawing them away from the Republican Party. In northern Alabama, the Greenback-Labor party, many of whose members were later absorbed into the Populist Party, became "the strongest advocates of the rights of blacks in the Deep South" (Kelly, 2004, p. 9).

Willis Johnson Thomas, a prominent black leader of the Greenback Party, often spoke at interracial meetings. The economic elites who knew that their power was sustained by racial antipathy were horrified. As Kelly (2004) recounted:

“Three years ago,” one dejected Democrat complained after a brush with Thomas in 1878, “if a negro dared to say anything about politics, or public speaking, or sitting on a jury … he would be driven out of the county, or shot, or hung in the woods. … Now white people are backing them in doing such things” (p. 9).

The elite response to this and every subsequent interracial lower class uprising was the same: white Populists were race baited and intimidated with vigilante justice of the sort used by the Ku Klux Klan. Appeals were made to their pride in their Anglo Saxon heritage. Black populists were bribed or physically intimidated into abandoning the struggle (Ayers, 1992).

The defeat of the Populists in 1896 began the period of the worst interracial relations in the new South. As the 1890's began, segregation was still largely a matter of custom. Few laws formally circumscribed relationships. Ayers (1992) suggested that the word "segregation" cannot truly be applied to the South until the beginning of the twentieth century. Although the races lived largely separate lives, few whites saw it as desirable to complicate their lives by enshrining separation into law; they also foresaw that legal separation would antagonize friendly and co-operative blacks. Prior to 1896, only Mississippi formally disenfranchised black voters; after the Populists were defeated all Southern states moved to do so (Ayers, 1992). The de facto segregation in place since Emancipation, only loosely observed, became tightly woven into law.

The new de jure segregation laws separated the races in all public accommodations. For instance, blacks were frequently excluded from white owned hotels. However, blacks could still turn to a black owned hotels, and generally preferred to do so. Where railroads were concerned, though, there were no alternatives. As railroads began spreading rapidly after the Civil War, local customs had to give way to state laws. Between 1887 and 1891, nine states enacted segregation laws that applied to the rails - the first concrete, state-wide efforts to legislate separation. Blacks were confined to third class cars that were filled with tobacco smoke and spit and often filthy with soot from the train's engine. There was no access to drinking water or comfortable seats (Ayers, 1992). Ultimately, train travel lead to the Supreme Court decision, Plessy v Ferguson 163 U.S. 537 (1896), that enshrined the legal doctrine of "separate but equal." In its decision, the Court upheld the legality of an 1890 Louisiana law that required railroads to provide "equal but separate accommodations for the white and colored races" (Hall, 2005, p. 739). Justice Brown wrote that laws requiring separation did not imply inferiority, just difference. According to legal historian Kermit Hall (2005), the law upheld "long established customs of society" (p. 739).

Racial violence increased at the turn of the century to levels not seen since the early days after the Civil War. White supremacy continued unchallenged, as well as the economic order which benefited only the most elite (Kelly, 2004). The frameworks created by Jim Crow contributed to a much lower standard of living among Southern industrial workers of both races in comparison to their Northern counterparts:

The South remained the most impoverished region of the United States, with per capita wages for industrial workers at about one third the national average as late as 1935. And, while white workers generally received higher wages than blacks, by any measure (mortality, literacy levels, exposure to disease, access to health care), they endured worse conditions than their counterparts anywhere else in the country. (Kelly, 2004 , p. 11)

Early 20th Century America

Between 1914 and 1918, as the United States geared up to supply armaments to the Allied forces during the First World War, almost a half million blacks moved from the South to the industrial cities of the Midwest and the North. This was the beginning of the "Great Migration." Draw by the lure of good jobs during wartime labor shortages, as well as by the hope of political and social freedom, millions of black fled the South (Brinkley, 1997). Wages were higher in the North, but with periods of unemployment and risk of injury or death, black lives were still marked by peril. To help counter these risks, they settled together in the same buildings and neighborhoods. Yet as their numbers swelled, they met with increasing hostility from urban and educational administrators. Municipal laws and restrictive covenants limited their options for housing and education. As Fassil Demissie (1995) describes it, the resulting shift toward segregated, African American neighborhoods was:

Not the result of impersonal market forces … or … the desires of African Americans themselves ….On the contrary, the black ghetto was constructed through a series of well-defined institutional practices, private behaviours, and public policies by which whites sought to contain growing urban black populations. (¶ 22)

By 1919, as the war time jobs were drying up, violence was on the rise: lynching increased in the South, while racial animosity continued to intensify in the factory cites as whites came to believe that blacks had "stolen" their jobs. Chicago was the scene of some of the worst violence of that summer, with the city in a state of virtual warfare for over a week (Brinkley, 1997).

After World War II, federal programs lead to a significant movement of the white population from urban centers to the suburbs, leaving an ever greater concentration of poor people, especial racial minorities, in the cities. Massey and Denton (1993) write:

What is striking about these transformations is how effectively the colour line was maintained despite the massive population shifts. The white strategy of ghetto containment and tactical retreat before an advancing colour line, institutionalized in the 1920s, was continued after 1945: the only change was the rate at which the leading edge of the ghetto advanced (quoted in Demissie, 1995, ¶ 23).

An assortment of mechanisms existed for 'ghetto containment': racially restrictive covenants, red-lining, as well as discriminatory real estate and banking policies.

Ending De Jure Segregation

It wasn't until 1954 that the Supreme Court decisively reversed itself on Plessey v. Ferguson, beginning the end of de jure segregation. Prior to the Court's decision in Brown v. the Board of Education (1954), the federal government financially supported a segregated America through payments to separate schools, segregated public housing, and separate farm support programs. President Truman understood that the "racial caste system" was detrimental to the fabric of our society, and to our image abroad. Although a lame duck, he took courageous steps to dismantle the system, strengthening federal equal employment opportunity laws, desegregating the military, and using the Justice Department to intercede with the courts in cases that ranged from restrictive racial covenants, segregated railroad dining cars, and segregated public graduate schools. Critically, he filed an amicus brief in Brown v Board of Education (1954) in 1952. His Justice Department argued that racial discrimination "inevitably tends to undermine the foundations of society dedicated to freedom, justice, and equality" (quoted in Landsberg, 1995, p. 628). Legal scholar Brian K. Landsberg has argued that Truman's concern was less centered on the individual, and that rather "President Truman's actions reflected the understanding that the racial caste system was shredding the fabric of national life" (Landsberg, 1995, p. 628).

Eisenhower's Justice Department concurred with the amicus brief already on file. In a subsequent ruling, Brown v. Board of Education II, his administration urged the Court to secure constitutional rights as quickly as feasible, arguing the "right of children not to be segregated because of race or color…is a fundamental human right, supported by considerations of morality as well as law," and that "racial segregation affects the hearts and minds of those who segregate as well as those who are segregated, and it is also detrimental to the community and the nation" (quoted in Landsberg, 1995, p. 629).

During the 1950s, Kenneth Bancroft Clark, an African American psychologist, developed a unique testing method to determine the impact of segregation on personality development. By presenting black children with white and black dolls, Clark found that the majority of the children demonstrated a preference for the white dolls, and shame toward the black dolls. He argued that the children's reactions were the result of a social system in which, in general, whiteness has positive connotations and blackness is linked to inferiority. He was convinced that white children internalized this social system as well, claiming that they developed negative beliefs about blacks as a result of segregation, learning that whiteness was not just different but better. As sociologist Henry Allen Bullock wrote:

Social isolation, occupational immobility, and the rigid enforcement of interracial etiquette-generated within Negroes the personality inclinations that now form the basis for the various negative stereotypes, so often used against them. Negroes and whites became different because they were kept apart. White Southerners insisted that they be kept apart because they were different. Segregation begat segregation. (quoted in Meyers & Nidiry, 2004, p. 268 - 269)

Clark's testimony in Brown v. Board of Education (1954) later gained fame as "Footnote #11," which supported the Court's ruling that "Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal" (Meyers & Nidiry, 2004, p. 266).

The federal government used several tools to hasten desegregation: it filed amicus briefs in every case before the Supreme Court; developed a statewide litigation process as a means for rapidly obtaining decrees for a large number of school districts; and offered a financial incentive for desegregation by paying for its related costs like the teacher training and curriculum development (Landsberg, 1995). Perhaps the most substantial example of that support was found in the Justice Department's amicus brief in Green v County School Board (391 U.S. 430, 1968). Kent County, Virginia had created a "freedom of choice" plan that kept almost completely segregated schools in place. The Justice Department argued:

Against the background of educational segregation long maintained by law, the duty of school authorities is to accomplish “the conversion of a de jure segregated dual system to a unitary, nonracial (nondiscriminatory) system--lock, stock, and barrel….the Fourteenth Amendment bars State action which unnecessarily creates opportunities for the play of private prejudice” (quoted in Landsberg, 1995, p. 630).

Ending De Facto Segregation

Resistance to integration in Northern school systems could be just as intense as that found in the legally separated systems of the South. Plans to end de facto segregation and more fully integrate schools and school districts through busing were hotly debated. In 1974, the Supreme Court had a chance to weigh in when it considered Milliken v Bradley (1974). The case centered on the Detroit school system's plans to merge its metropolitan center with two largely white suburban districts. In a very divisive ruling, the Court in effect limited integration at a district's boundary. As a result, the predominantly white suburban districts were exempted from integrating with the predominately black inner-city school districts. The ruling also reinforced "white flight" as white families living in the city moved to the suburbs to avoid integration (Hall, 2005).

In 1964 Congress passed its landmark Civil Rights Act, forthrightly declaring an end to discrimination in public accommodations and employment. Repeatedly, the Supreme Court has taken a broad view of Title II, eventually defining a public accommodation as any facility open to the public.

Further Insights

Slowly, federal support for school desegregation has slackened. In the 1980s, the Justice Department lost funding for its programs overseeing desegregation efforts. The same has been true of the Department of Education: its programs were dismantled and their funding was moved into general grants that did not specifically support desegregation efforts (Landsberg, 1995).

Brown's impact has always been more judicial; it has not reshaped the way that education is delivered. Some scholars see its very premise as an acceptance of white cultural norms that leaves little room for honoring African American culture or integrating it into formerly all white school systems. Whether or not Brown has succeeded depends upon one's outlook. According to Landsberg (1995):

“If equal opportunity means the end of racial isolation and the achievement of equal funding or outputs, the Court long ago gave a negative answer…If equal opportunity means freedom from present intentional racial discrimination in the public schools, its future is secure. If it also means freedom from the lingering effects of past discrimination, its future hangs in the balance.” (p. 631)

Of course, education is not the only topic considered under desegregation efforts. One of the lingering effects of segregation and racism is deeply entrenched poverty. Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton's Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass focuses on the underlying mechanisms that have created an underclass. They forcefully argue that if residential segregation is permitted to continue, urban poverty cannot be eliminated, nor can the problems that result from the tolerated existence of the underclass (Demissie, 1995). During the 1960's, the United States made great progress eliminating legally sanctioned segregation, yet poverty and racism go on unabated. Beginning in the 1970s, the income gap between whites and blacks began to increase once again. During the 1980s and early 1990s, residential segregation increased in Chicago, St. Louis, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, and New York (Demissie, 1995). Massey and Denton use census records to show that varying degrees of segregation affect all racial minorities in the United States; however segregation by and large only affects African Americans (Demissie, 1995).

Though the Fair Housing Act was passed in 1968, residential segregation remains high. Massey and Denton found that even suburbs became segregated once a visible presence of African Americans appeared. As time went on, more blacks than whites move to these newly segregate enclaves within the suburbs. As support for social programs dwindled through the 1980s, the poor slipped further from mainstream America. As Massey and Denton (1993) observed, "Segregation and rising poverty interact to deliver an exogenous shock to black neighbourhoods that push them beyond the point where physical decay and disinvestment became self-perpetuating" (as quoted in Demissie, 1995, ¶ 27). The authors went on to argue that many different groups in America benefit from these patterns of segregation; thus they tolerate them, or even support the continuation of segregation in American cities.

In the 1980s, a number of conservative scholars attempted to tackle the problem of urban poverty. Most concurred to some degree with Charles Murray (1984), a fellow of the American Institutes for Research, that poverty is a pathological problem, made worse by social programs designed to lessen the burdens of poverty. For these scholars, the "welfare state" did nothing but allow the number of poor to proliferate by fostering a culture that supports illegitimate births, female headed households, and dependence on welfare (Demissie, 1995). Massey and Denton suggested this explanation is based on a flawed understanding of urban poverty. They instead proposed considering the structural changes in the inner cities: the loss of high wage industrial jobs; job migration to the suburbs; and the rise of the low wage service economy have all combined to shred the economic vitality of inner city neighborhoods. Even more important, the persistence of poverty can't be explained without a consideration of residential segregation. This, they posited, must be at the center of any understanding of urban poverty: "residential segregation [plays]…a special role in enabling all other forms of racial oppression…[to organize themselves] into a coherent and uniquely effective system of racial domination" (quoted in Demissie, 1995, ¶ 17).

Conclusion

The impact of racial segregation, both in terms of social and economic welfare, has been enormously significant in American history. Prior to the Civil Rights Movement, segregation was tolerated as legal policy, custom, and as a byproduct of policies that subtly resulted in the separation of the races. Even after the legal doctrine of "separate but equal" was deemed unconstitutional, the legacy of segregation remains part of the fabric of American life, seen in education, residential patterns, and poverty levels.

Terms & Concepts

Brown v Board of Education (1954): A landmark United States Supreme Court decision that overturned the legal concept of separate but equal. The case challenged six legally segregated school districts. Writing for a unanimous Court, Chief Justice Earl Warren declared that segregation was harmful to the social development of black students and cannot be permitted under the Fourteenth Amendment.

Civil Rights Act of 1964: Still regarded as the bedrock of civil rights law, this law outlawed discrimination based on race, ethnicity, national origin, religion and sex in public accommodations and in employment.

De Facto Segregation: Literally, segregation that occurs "by fact" rather than by law. Outside of the South, very few states had systems of formal, legal discrimination. Instead, school segregation emerged informally as a result of residential patterns that grew out of discrimination.

De Jure Segregation: Literally, segregation that occurs "by law." It emerged slowly in the post-Civil War South and was legitimated in 1896 with the Plessy decision. Eventually it came to govern many aspects of daily life for Southerners of both races as it grew to encompass public accommodations, transportation, education and employment.

Federal Fair Housing Act: Passed in 1968, the goal of this law was to ensure that discrimination in lending and renting would no longer be permitted. It prohibits landlords from refusing to rent to a tenant based on race, ethnicity, religion, or national origin unless the building is owner occupied and has four or fewer units.

Fourteenth Amendment: It grants citizenship to all persons born or naturalized in the United States, including former slaves, and it offers equal protection under the law. Southern states provided the three quarters majority needed to ratify the amendment in 1868 as a condition for readmission to the Union,. The amendment should have overruled Jim Crow legislation, but as earlier as the 1880s the Supreme Court began to back away from the equal protection clause, not enforcing it until the Brown decision in 1954 (Hall, 2005).

Jim Crow: A system of both legally mandated and informal practices that separated black and white citizens. It gained and lost strength through the decades after Reconstruction, but by the beginning of the 20th century was completely entrenched in all of the Southern states.

Milliken v Bradley (1974): A 1974 United States Supreme Court decision that limited the extent of Court authorized desegregation plans. In a five to four ruling, the Court declined to support efforts to end de facto segregated schools in the North by busing students between school districts. The case grew out of Detroit's efforts to combine its largely black city school districts with the predominately white districts in the surrounding suburbs.

Plessy v Ferguson (1896): A 1896 United States Supreme Court decision regarding a Louisiana law requiring blacks to ride in third class train compartments with no restroom facilities, dining options, or sleeper compartments. The Supreme Court ruled that segregation was permitted in "separate but equal" facilities. Even though these facilities were far from equal, the law was allowed to stand. The ruling became the basis for all future Jim Crow legislation.

Reconstruction: Lasting from the end of the Civil War in 1865 until the Compromise of 1877, the period during which the Federal government maintained control of the states that had constituted the Confederacy. One essential component of Reconstruction was the integration of former slaves into the social, economic, and political landscape of the new South. The period ended in 1877 as federal troops were withdrawn, leaving the states with fairly extensive power to regulate the lives of black citizens. Around the same time, the Republican Party shifted its priorities to focus on encouraging industrial development and moved away from protecting civil rights.

Redlining: This practice was used to deny blacks access to mortgages in certain parts of cities, effectively resulting in de facto segregation. Although now illegal, a substantial body of research shows that it still exists as an informal practice (Peterson & Krivo, 1993).

Bibliography

Ayers, Edward. The Promise of the New South: Life After Reconstruction. New York: Oxford University Press. 1992

Brinkley, Alan. The Unfinished Nation: A Concise history of the American People. 2cd Edition. New York: McGraw Hill Companies, Inc. 1997

Demissie, F. (1995, August). Book reviews. Social Identities, 1 , 407. Retrieved July 1, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9510030045&site=ehost-live

Hall, Kermit, The Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005.

Harrison, J., & Lloyd, S.E. (2013). New jobs, new workers, and new inequalities: Explaining employers' roles in occupational segregation by nativity and race. Social Problems, 60, 281–301. Retrieved October 31, 2013 from EBSCO online database, SocINDEX with Full Text.

Kelly, B. (2004, June). The Isaac and Tamara Deutscher Memorial Prize Lecture: Materialism and the Persistence of Race in the Jim Crow South. Historical Materialism, 12 , 3-19. Retrieved June 26, 2008 EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=13998871&site=ehost-live

Landsberg, B. (1995, Summer95). The federal government and the promise of Brown. Teachers College Record, 96 , 627-636. Retrieved June 26, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9507183555&site=ehost-live

Massey, D.S. (2012). Reflections on the dimensions of segregation. Social Forces, 91, 39–43. Retrieved October 31, 2013 from EBSCO online database, SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=85098987&site=ehost-live

Meyers, M., & Nidiry, J. (2004, Spring2004). Kenneth Bancroft Clark: The Uppity Negro

Integrationist. Antioch Review, 62 , 265-274. Retrieved June 26, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=12863466&site=ehost-live

Peterson, R., & Krivo, L. (1993, June). Racial Segregation and Black Urban Homicide. Social Forces, 71 , 1001-1026. Retrieved June 26, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9308176380&site=ehost-live

Quillian, L. (2012). Segregation and poverty concentration: The role of three segregations. American Sociological Review, 77, 354–379. Retrieved October 31, 2013 from EBSCO online database, SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=76332123&site=ehost-live

St. John, C. (1995, March). INTERCLASS SEGREGATION, POVERTY, AND POVERTY CONCENTRATION: COMMENT ON MASSEY AND EGGERS. American Journal of Sociology, pp. 1325,1333. Retrieved July 1, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9504111175&site=ehost-live

Wilson, T.M., & Rodkin, P.C. (2013). Children's cross-ethnic relationships in elementary schools: Concurrent and prospective associations between ethnic segregation and social status. Child Development, 84, 1081–1097. Retrieved October 31, 2013 from EBSCO online database, SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=87498807&site=ehost-live

Suggested Reading

Bell, J. (2013). Hate thy neighbor: Move-in violence and the persistence of racial segregation in American housing. New York: New York University Press.

Higginbotham, F.M. (2013). Ghosts of jim crow: Ending racism in post-racial America. New York: New York University Press.

Jones, J. (2006, December). From Racial Inequality to Social Justice: The Legacy of Brown v. Board and Lessons from South Africa. Journal of Social Issues, 62 , 885-909. Retrieved July 7, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=22853066&site=ehost-live

McConnell, M. (1996, Winter96). Segregation and the original understanding: A reply to Professor Maltz. Constitutional Commentary, 13 , 233. Retrieved June 26, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9706200268&site=ehost-live

Orfield, G., & Eaton, S. (2003, March 3). Back to Segregation. Nation, pp. 5,7. Retrieved June 26, 2008 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Premier: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=9130399&site=ehost-live