Sociological Aspects of Divorce

In sociological studies of the family, the occurrence of divorce is inextricably linked to marriage practices in a given culture or society. As a case in point, this article focuses on social-psychological aspects of divorce in Western culture, examining two issues related to divorce in the United States: perceptions and social interaction. This article outlines three primary social institutions influencing how societies characterize divorce and how these characterizations influence perceptions of divorced persons: religious doctrine, civil law, and societal norms. Four major settings are discussed, in which the social interactions of family members are affected by divorce. Social institutions, and the effect of social-systemic feedback to these institutions via individual attitudes and behaviors, are examined briefly. Questions are raised about similar processes in non-Western cultures.

Keywords Civil Law; Divorce; Marriage; No-Fault Divorce; Nuclear Family; Social Interaction; Society; Stress

Family & Relationships > Sociological Aspects of Divorce

Overview

Only relatively recently has marriage come to be examined in terms of component factors that constitute differing patterns of behavior in marital relationships. Historically, little differentiation was made between religious, civil, and normative factors in divorce, as social agreements concerning marital bonds were less complex than today. Marital bonds, family ties, and the social norms surrounding marriage and family have become more complex as societies began to differentiate between religious and civil codes of social behavior. Here, we will focus on contemporary aspects of divorce, that is, the dissolution of marital bonds, in a culture and segment of society which is well-known and for which we have the most complete data: Western culture in middle-class U.S. Society.

When spouses divorce, a host of changes affect family ties and interpersonal relationships. To varying degrees, these changes may alter the social, psychological, physical, spiritual, and economic well-being of each family member. These changes may also affect relationships with individuals outside the nuclear family, such as relatives and in-laws, friends, co-workers, teachers, and classmates.

Although the social, psychological, physical, spiritual, and economic factors of divorce often overlap, this article will focus on two questions that primarily fall within the parameters of the field of sociological investigation. First, how do social groups perceive divorced persons? Second, how does divorce affect the social interactions of family members?

These two issues are important because they may contribute to the well-being of individuals in that social perception of divorced persons can overshadow a divorced person's self-esteem and degree of success in personal and professional endeavors. Moreover, the preservation of effective social interactions may be crucial to maintaining satisfactory and productive relationships to help a person navigate through life.

Applications

Sociological Aspects of Divorce in the United States

In this section, we will explore two questions related to the sociological aspects of divorce in the United States: how does society perceive divorced persons? and How does divorce affect the social interactions of nuclear family members?

For purposes of a discussion about how divorce affects the social interactions of family members, we will consider a family to be one of the following two nuclear family structures: a mother, a father, and one or more biological or adopted children, or a female spouse and a male spouse without children.

Of course, other types of family structures exist. A family might contain two same-sex spouses, for instance. Other family structures that involve divorced heads of household include persons raising their grandchildren or nieces and nephews. The divorced spouses in these families will often experience many of the same societal perceptions and social interaction issues as female-male marriage partners. However, the history of same-sex marriage is short, and literature and statistics on divorced same-sex or non-parental heads of households are scant. Therefore, these types of family units are beyond the scope of this article.

Society perceives divorced persons through a complex lens that is influenced by a number of factors, including religious beliefs, cultural heritage, and networks of interpersonal relationships.

Whether the segment of society is a broad group or a smaller, more intimate group, the degree of negativity or acceptance toward divorced persons by individuals within a group will often be influenced by one or more of the following three social institutions:

• Religious doctrine or dogma
• Civil divorce law
• Social norms

The following outlines how these three institutions influence some common perceptions of divorce and divorced persons and their family members.

Religious Institutions

Religious institutions are perhaps the most visible examples of social structures heavily influenced by doctrine or dogma.

Religions differ greatly in their perceptions and treatment of divorced persons. These specific perceptions are determined by the doctrine of a given religion. For example, Roman Catholic doctrine specifies that the marriage contract cannot be dissolved and forbids divorce except in certain, legally necessary cases (Catechism of the Catholic Church, n.d.).

The clergy of a specific church or house of worship may exhibit negative perceptions of divorced persons. For example, Deal (2007) describes the experience of a married couple who joined a new church (p. 31). After they confided to the minister that theirs was a second marriage for both of them, he told them to leave his church so they would not "infect" everyone else in the congregation. Eventually, though, the couple did find a congregation that welcomed them (p. 33). Deal, himself a longtime minister to remarried couples and families, explained that ministries that cater to the special situation of remarried couples are a necessary and growing movement within churches that wish to attract or retain divorced members.

Divorce Law

The second factor that influences how society perceives divorce and divorced persons is civil divorce law.

In their study of divorce reform, Adams and Coltrane (2006) reviewed media coverage of three newspapers from 1968 to 2005 because newspapers both "reflect and inform public opinion" (p. 28). They noted that during the colonial period of America, divorce resulted because one spouse failed to meet marriage and family obligations and was therefore considered to be a disappointment to the community.

In 1969–1970, California became the first state to institute so-called no-fault divorce. No-fault divorce law eliminated the legal requirement that one spouse in a divorce must assign blame for the marriage breakdown to the other spouse, a requirement that often led to accusations, revelations, and post-divorce bitterness (Adams & Coltrane, 2006, p. 20). By 1985, every state had instituted no-fault divorce legislation (Singer, 1992). We might assume that the widespread institution of no-fault divorce would remove much of the stigma of divorce. However, Adams and Coltrane found that the divorce reform movement that arose from no-fault divorce legislation evolved into marriage reform ("healthy marriage") and that this shift has implications for marriage and family counselors, who are forced into either pro-marriage or pro-divorce positions. And, since media coverage began to focus heavily on the idealization of marriage, it potentially stigmatizes those who are divorced (Adams & Coltrane, 2006, p. 31).

Social Norms

Social norms also influence social perception of divorce and divorced persons. Social norms can be defined as patterns or traits that are considered to be typical in the behavior of a social group, or a widespread, usual practice or procedure.

Hill (2007) contended that originally, marriage was based on religious and economic needs (p. 293). Now, however, she noted, marriage is widely regarded as a loving union between equal partners; when marriages don't continue to provide love and emotional fulfillment to both partners, they fail. The fact that the basis for marriage has changed suggests that the social norms for divorce have changed. Since marriage is no longer predicated on religious and economic factors, divorce need not be limited to those factors either.

Social norms can influence personal beliefs and often incorporate factors such as religious doctrine or personal experience into divorce. In general, most people would probably view marriage as a more positive concept than divorce. However, personal beliefs may favor divorce as a more acceptable status if certain undesirable characteristics such as alcohol, drug, or physical abuse are present in a marriage.

The Effect of Divorce on the Social Interactions of Nuclear Families

Divorce affects the social interactions of nuclear family members in various types of social groups, but particularly in four specific, major settings:

• The family
• Religious organizations
• Work environment
• School environment

The Family

The first major setting in which divorce affects the social interactions of nuclear family members is the family. For the purpose of this overview, the family will be considered to consist of members of the nuclear family—which may include the parent's biological or adopted children, step children resulting from blended families, and all other relatives.

The social interaction between divorced spouses may range anywhere from friendly and frequent to barely civil, depending upon the spouses' personalities, goals, and new life situations. Social interaction between children and their grandparents may remain somewhat stable, but social interactions between spouses and their in-laws often becomes less frequent and less personal.

However, no matter how hard divorced spouses try to preserve family relationships, the social interactions within families change when divorce occurs. Living arrangements are usually altered with one spouse or both spouses and children moving to different households.

Through her review of empirical and clinical research on children's living arrangements after the separation or divorce of parents, Kelly found that "between 25% and 45% of children move with their custodial parent within two years of separation" and that a move of more than 75 miles limits the contact between a child and the noncustodial parent considerably (Kelly, 2007, p. 42).

Religious Institutions

The second major setting in which divorce affects the social interactions of nuclear family members is religious institutions. Religious institutions include the overall religion itself, such as Judaism or Christianity; denominations within those religions, such as Roman Catholicism or Lutheranism; and smaller segments within those denominations, such as specific congregations or church study groups.

As noted previously, religious institutions can play a strong role in either the acceptance or rejection of divorced persons. If rebuffed or limited in religious participation by doctrine, leadership decision, or group attitude, divorced persons may withdraw from church relationships and may either discover a new, more welcoming religious affiliation or forego a religious affiliation altogether (Deal, p. 33).

Religious Affiliation of Young Adults of Divorced Parents

Zhai, Ellison, Glenn, and Marquardt (2007) made some interesting findings about the religious affiliation of young adults of divorced parents. Their study sampled 1,500 adults, aged 18–35, evenly divided among offspring from divorced families and offspring from intact families. Their findings suggest that non-organizational religious involvement—such as praying or feeling close to God—is not diminished for the offspring of divorced parents. However, they found that these offspring did report a much lower rate of attendance at organized religious events during their adulthood than the offspring of intact families, and that this gap appears to be linked to weak religious socialization among divorced fathers (Zhai et al., p. 15).

Work Environment

The third major setting in which divorce affects the social interactions of nuclear family members is the work environment. According to one study, divorce results in a 77% reduction in wealth for a person, while marriage leads to an increase of 93% ("Splitting Up Drops Wealth by 77%," 2006). Therefore, many divorced persons will want or need to work and will usually choose one of the following three options:

• They will continue to work at jobs they held before the divorce.
• They will seek employment at new jobs.
• They will enter the workforce for the first time or after a period of not working.

It is now commonplace to find single, married, and divorced women in the workforce. And, as the number of women in the workforce has increased, their dependence upon marriage for economic support has generally decreased.

For women however, working may be less rewarding financially than it is for men with the same skills and education. According to Compton (2007), the wage gap between men and women still exists. This wage gap may be especially detrimental to divorced women who already face decreased financial security than when they were married. Among older women, the economic hardships of divorce are even more prevalent. In her study, Wilson (2008) described the dire financial situation of divorced older women who often have limited or no work experience.

Divorced men may also suffer in the workplace. In a study of young, divorced men, Zimmer (2006) concluded that there is evidence of employer bias in the form of wage discrimination against divorced men—especially against those employees who are less-educated.

School Environment

The last major setting in which divorce affects the social interactions of nuclear family members is the school environment. The school environment includes classmates, faculty members, and administrative personnel.

Most of us are aware of the fact that children's social interactions will be affected by the stress of a divorce, especially if they are moved to a new school as a result of the divorce. In his literature review that discusses the effects of divorce on children, Portnoy noted that there is disagreement among researchers over the length and severity of these effects (2008). Indeed, there are contradictions in his conclusions. He notes that through the 1990s, children from divorced families were thought to perform on a lower academic level for a sustained period of time. His summary of empirical findings support this hypothesis: he states that compared to children in intact families, children from divorced families "generally exhibit lower academic performance, score lower on academic tests, have lower educational aspirations, are two to three times more likely to drop out of school, and eventually achieve lower level of education and lower adult occupational status" (Portnoy, 2008, p. 128). However, later in his article, Portnoy explained that later studies suggest that performance on academic and psychological measures for children of divorce may be less severe and not as long-lasting as previously believed (Portnoy, 2008, p. 126-127). Most schools have a support system to help children, which can include services like a psychologist, nurse, peer group, or teacher. In addition, children's books that consider issues stemming from divorce are available.

Discourse

Social-Systemic Feedback

The above discussion concentrates on the social-psychological aspects of divorce and the effects of divorce upon individuals and families. As noted, widespread individual martial dissatisfaction in a given society may reflect larger social issues, such as overall economic conditions. In turn, widespread marital dissatisfaction and demand for and the legal granting of divorce also provide feedbacks to the social institutions discussed, such as religious and civil institutions, and as well as to social-normative expectations in a given society.

Such feedbacks can be negative in nature, that is the feedbacks to macro social institutions and widespread social norms may be such that social demand for divorce is decreased. However, much sociological research on divorce points to a positive feedback effect, making the demand for and granting of divorce more widespread and more socially acceptable, which then further increases rates of divorce. This pattern is particularly demonstrated in Western cultures (Fine & Fine, 2004).

During periods of general social dissatisfaction with extant social institutions—such as might occur during periods of economic downturn, war, or geophysical disaster—general social upheaval can result in far-reaching changes in social behavior at the micro level while feedback to macro social institutions and formal changes in religious doctrines, civil laws, and social norms are delayed. During such periods, the effects of such changes in social behavior may go unnoticed for some time.

For example, during the Great Depression in the United States, economic distress widely affected many families, weakening family bonds and often forcing the separation of family members. It is only within the last 40 years or so that we have begun to understand the larger social implications of these informal changes to post-depression macro-level social institutions in the United States. The practice of divorce became more commonplace during the 30 years following the Depression as macro level institutions were affected by the micro level social practices (see, for example, Collins & Coltrane, 1991; Seltzer, J., Bachrach, C. A., Bianchi, S. M., Bledsoe, C. H., Casper, L. M., Chase-Lansdale, P.L., et al., 2005).

We should note that, while many of the social-psychological aspects of divorce discussed in this article can and do apply to non-Western cultures, they apply primarily to Western culture, the United States in particular. The idea of "marriage" in Western culture as primarily a religious bond, rather than a civil or economic one, is largely influenced by Western religious beliefs. Over the last several decades, however, this emphasis on marriage as a religious bond has decreased as civil divorce law and concomitant social norms have changed. In a given society, the unique intersection of religious, civil, and normative cultures shapes individual attitudes and beliefs about marriage, and, therefore, the overall social conventions surrounding martial bonds and the dissolution of those bonds. Even in Western culture, the intersections between these institutions can differ over place and time.

Conclusion

This article primarily addresses some of the social-psychological factors of divorce and how social intuitions, or structures, affect these factors. However, we must keep in mind that society is, above all, a process. As such, individuals, their attitudes, and their behaviors affect society as much as the expectations generated by social-structural institutions affect individuals. While some sociological research concentrates on the effects of social settings on individuals, other types of research concentrate on how individuals effect change in social settings. While some societies' religious, civil, or social norms expressly forbid divorce, divorce is a historical and cross-cultural social occurrence. Changes in social attitudes toward and the practices surrounding the dissolution of marital ties continue to be a subject of ongoing discussion and research in the social sciences.

Terms & Concepts

Civil Law: Codes for social conduct enacted by secular legislative bodies.

Divorce: The action or an instance of dissolving a marriage.

Marriage: A social agreement between two or more persons that is sanctioned by religious law, civil law, or social norms.

No-Fault Divorce: Civil divorce law under which neither party is held responsible for the breakup of the marriage .

Norm: A pattern or trait taken to be typical of the behavior of a social group; a widespread or usual practice or procedure.

Nuclear Family: A family group that consists only of a father, a mother, and children.

Social Interaction: "Acts, actions, or practices of two or more people mutually oriented towards each other's selves" (Rummel, 1976, p. 62).

Stress (Physiological): A nonspecific response to some demand placed upon the human body (Masciadrelli & Milardo, 2008).

Stress (Social-Psychological): Emotional arousal as a result of socio-environmental demands that strain an individual's ability to manage such arousal (Masciadrelli & Milardo, 2008).

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Suggested Reading

Amato, P. R., & Cheadle, J. E. (2008). Parental divorce, marital conflict and children's behavior problems: A comparison of adopted and biological children. Social Forces, 86, 1139–1161. Retrieved June 24, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=31673141&site=ehost-live

Coleman, M., Ganong, L. H., & Rothrauff, T. C. (2006). Racial and ethnic similarities and differences in beliefs about intergenerational assistance to older adults after divorce and remarriage. Family Relations, 55, 576–587. Retrieved July 8, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=23150140&site=ehost-live

Copen, C. E., & Silverstein, M. (2008). The transmission of religious beliefs across generations: Do grandparents matter? Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 39, 59–71. Retrieved June 24, 2008, from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=31585284&site=ehost-live

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Whitton, S. W., Stanley, S. M., Markman, H. J., & Johnson, C. A. (2013). Attitudes toward divorce, commitment, and divorce proneness in first marriages and remarriages. Journal of Marriage & Family, 75, 276–287. Retrieved October 31, 2013, from EBSCO Online Database SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=86049226

Yorburg, B. (2002.) Family realities: A global view. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice Hall.