Hazing in School Sports

Hazing cases in high school athletics in the early twenty-first century illustrate the scope and impact of hazing on the student-athletes, schools, and surrounding communities. Research on hazing reveals the meanings attached to hazing, the effects of hazing, the nature of hazing, and the prevalence of hazing in sports. Reasons for its existence and perpetuation are related to anthropological theories on rites of passage, the human need to belong, and the process of identity construction and confirmation in sports subcultures. Educators, parents, coaches, and administrators can proactively prevent hazing in their schools through the implementation of anti-hazing policies and educating athletes about hazing.

Keywords Athletic Hazing; Athletic Identity; Athletics; Identity Confirmation; Identity Construction; Hazing; Mental Hazing; Need to Belong; Physical Hazing; Rite of Passage; Scholastic Sport; Sexual Hazing

Overview

In the 2000s and 2010s, highly publicized cases of hazing forced some educators, parents, and researchers to look into why it was happening. Hazing incidents that occurred in high school sports included, but were not limited to, athletes being:

• Forced to consume alcohol

• Covered in animal entrails

• Kidnapped and covered in water and flour

• Forced to have their heads shaved

• Restrained with duct tape

• Forced to put their heads in a toilet

Hazing in school sports continued into the 2020s. Instances of hazing in school sports by individuals or teams in a multitude of sports became commonplace in 2022 and 2023 across the nation. Severe hazing incidents may indicate that some component of education is missing in these athletes' lives. That component may be the lack of strong and positive leadership, knowledge about the legal risks of hazing, a clear understanding of what hazing is, or a well-defined anti-hazing policy.

Definition of Hazing

Various definitions of hazing have been proposed by state laws, researchers, school administrators, and insurance companies. One definition of hazing is "any activity expected of someone joining a group (or to maintain full status in a group) that humiliates, degrades or risks emotional and/or physical harm, regardless of the person's willingness to participate" (Stophazing, Inc., 2004). Another definition that was used by Hoover (1999) in a study of hazing in collegiate athletics is "any activity expected of someone joining a group that humiliates, degrades, abuses or endangers, regardless of the person's willingness to participate. This does not include benign activities such as rookies carrying the balls, team parties with community games, or going out with your teammates unless an atmosphere of humiliation, degradation, abuse or danger arises." Nuwer (1999) also included the issue of higher-status group members in his definition:

“Activity that a high-status member orders other members to engage in, or suggest that they engage in, that in some way humbles a newcomer who lacks the power to resist, because he or she wants to gain admission to a group. Hazing can be non-criminal, but it is nearly always against the rules of an institution, team, or Greek group. It can be criminal, which means that a state statute has been violated. This usually occurs when a pledging-related activity results in gross physical injury or death” (Nuwer, 1999, p. xxv).

There are underlying themes common to each of these definitions are humiliation, degradation, abuse, and danger. Yet, these examples demonstrate that there is no standard definition of hazing, which may be detrimental to the effort to eliminate hazing traditions. Kirby and Wintrup (2002, p. 67) offered a composite definition of athletic hazing:

"A series of numerous hazardous activities that veteran team members order rookies to engage in, or suggest that they engage in, that in some way humbles (Nuwer, 1999, p. xxv), degrades or embarrasses them, recklessly or intentionally endangers their mental or physical health or safety, for the purposes of admission (Oklahoma State University, n.d., p. 2) to a team and where the rookies lack the power to resist because they want to gain membership into the group" (Nuwer, 1999, p. xxv).

Hazing can be criminal or non-criminal and can be categorized into mental, physical, and sexual hazing. Berrill (1992, p. 22) as cited by Kirby & Wintrup (2002), defined mental hazing as consisting "of activities including racial, sexual and/or gender-based insults and taunts to stress or to diminish a rookie's sense of self and his/her capacity to make decisions." Mental hazing may include extended periods of sleep deprivation, sexual or racial ridicule, or forced conduct that is uncomfortable for the participant. Physical hazing aims to place physical pressure on rookies through activities like binge drinking, paddling, or forced calisthenics (Nuwer, 1999). Sexual hazing "consists of activities specifically designed to harass and abuse rookies by sexualizing them, diminishing their masculinity (for males) or femininity (for females) or their sexual identity, and/or by targeting them in sexually harassing and sexually abusive activities" (Berrill, 1992, p. 22 as cited by Kirby & Wintrup, 2002).

The definitional issue is relevant to research, policy issues, and law and legislation. Anti-hazing laws vary greatly among states. As of 2023, six states had no anti-hazing legislation, including Alaska, Hawaii, Montana, New Mexico, South Dakota, and Wyoming. Of the forty-four states that had laws, some provided criminal penalties to the offenders, and others also punished any individual who did not disclose information about a hazing incident (Dixon, 2001; Rosner & Crow, 2002). In some cases, laws may or may not be applied to high school students. In states without anti-hazing laws, there is no legal restriction on hazing, and school policies may not be supported in court (Dixon, 2001; Rosner & Crow, 2002).

History

Throughout history, group membership has often been contingent upon an individual's participation in some form of initiation. Initiations typically serve to test the 'fit' of an individual wishing to join a group by testing the courage, commitment, and loyalty of the initiate (Tiger, 1984). There is evidence dating back to 387 BCE that some form of bullying and taunting has occurred among young boys and newcomers in societies, universities, and militaries (Nuwer, 2004). During the Renaissance Era—when European universities were on the rise—hazing was rampant among students. Some schools chose to fight the practice by creating anti-hazing rules and organizations. For example, in 1340, the University of Paris began expelling students who participated in hazing, and in 1441, the Avignon School created an anti-hazing fraternity (Nuwer, 2004). This was not the end of hazing, as Martin Luther endured it while he was a student at Erfurt and was later recognized as a supporter of the practice. He claimed that it helped "strengthen a boy to face and endure life's challenges" (Nuwer, 2004, p. xxv). In 1657, at Harvard University, two students were forced to pay small fines for hazing another student (Nuwer, 2004). In a number of cases, death and serious injury have occurred as a result of these activities. Deaths began to be reported as a result of hazing incidents when in 1838, John Butler Groves was killed by a hazing that was described in his family's history (Nuwer, 2004). A Cornell student fell to his death in a gorge while pledging the Kappa Alpha Society in 1873 (Nuwer, 2004). Hazing continued through the nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty-first centuries. Hazing continued through the nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty-first centuries, and high-profile cases occur almost every year in the United States. One and a half million high school students experience hazing each year, and over 50 percent of college students experience hazing within a team or club (StopHazing, 2020).

Further Insights

Research on Hazing & Initiations

Limited research has been conducted on hazing in all types of organizations or settings. This is due in part to the secretive nature of hazing and the potentially sensitive issues that may be revealed or tapped into when examining this phenomenon (Kirby & Wintrup, 2002). Much of the research has been only exploratory (e.g., Bryshun & Young, 1999; Johnson, 2001; Winslow, 1999) and descriptive (e.g., Conn, Tompkins, & Hunter, 1993; Crandall, 2003; Hoover, 1999; Hoover & Pollard, 2000). These efforts have provided information about the extent to which hazing occurs and what types of activities the hazed individuals have experienced. Research on hazing in sports conducted at the collegiate and high school levels has revealed that:

• Hazing is viewed as a tradition or "just what you do" by athletes (Hinkle, 2005)

• Hazing is prevalent in sport (Hoover, 1999)

• The definition of hazing is not understood by many athletes (Crandall, 2003; Hinkle, 2005; Hoover, 1999; Hoover & Pollard, 2000)

• Hazed athletes experience positive (e.g., pride, accepted, trusted) AND negative consequences (e.g., embarrassed, humiliated, ostracized) (Crandall, 2003; Hinkle, 2005; Hoover & Pollard, 2000)

• The majority of hazing occurs in the locker room, but it may also happen in the gymnasium, on the athletic field, or off campus (Conn, Tompkins, & Hunter, 1993)

• Males engage in hazing or are hazed more often than females (Conn, Tompkins, & Hunter, 1993)

• Hazing reinforces the power structure of the organization/team (Bryshun & Young, 2001; Johnson, 2001)

• Hazing activities serve to test the rookies' commitment and dedication to the team (Bryshun & Young, 2001)

With the advent of the Internet and social media, hazing in high school sports has moved outside of the gym and locker room and can be perpetuated in new ways, at a times, and over long distances. While social media is the newest frontier of sports hazing, much of the intent and practices remain unchanged. To have a more complete understanding of why initiations and hazing rituals exist and are perpetuated in scholastic sports, it is useful to turn to anthropological literature describing rites of passage.

The Existence & Perpetuation of Hazing

Rites of Passage

Leemon (1972) defined rites of passage as "the recurring social mechanisms that a society provides for the orderly transitions in its social relationships and that serve as revitalization, comprise a series of events that include rituals and ceremonies" (p.1). Morinis (1985) offers a summary of the anthropological arguments used to explain the purpose of the rites of initiation. He concluded that rites:

"accomplish the transition from youth to adult social status; express a statement of the importance of the individual to the group; release or channel the psychological stress of changing roles; ease the social stress of role changes; contribute to the development of prized virtues like courage and forbearance; and educate youths into the secrets and techniques of adulthood" (p. 152).

The three key components of ritual initiation theories that seem to be applicable to sports hazing and initiations are symbolism, the social transition, and the power of pain to transform the individual. These three components are described by anthropologists Eliade (1965), van Gennep (1960), and Morinis (1985).

Eliade (1965) focused on the symbolic nature of the rite of passage and emphasized the reintroduction of the individual into a new social world. He discovered that the entire initiation ritual itself serves as a gradual revelation of, and mode for, teaching the group's cultural values, behavior patterns, traditions, myths, folklore, and institutions. The initiation ceremony involves the preparation of the initiates, their separation from society and segregation to an isolated area, and the actual initiation ritual. Anthropologist van Gennep (1961) emphasized the social function of rituals as processes that brings change in social status. He asserted that rituals function to move individuals into new roles and statuses that may be required by the society and that the ritual behavior is a requirement set forth by the elders as a condition of the individual wishing to attain membership.

Morinis (1985) noted the lack of recognition of the common occurrence of exposure to pain in what he terms the "ordeal" in most anthropological theories on the rites of passage. Morinis (1985) cited Cohen (1964) in stressing the role and power of physical pain to both the other initiates and the initiators in the development of male bonding. As a result of the ordeal and the resultant bonding, the initiates sever ties with their current group (e.g., parents, former team) and become attached to the individuals in the new group.

These three anthropological explanations of rites of passage can be applied to athletic hazing or "being rookied" (Bryshun, 1997) as the consolidation of identities (Kirby & Wintrup, 2002). Veteran athletes seek to strip the rookies of their former identities by putting them through a hazing ritual that typically includes the three stages proposed by van Gennep (1961) and Eliade (1965). Rookies are typically separated from outsiders and endure the hazing initiation in a private setting (e.g., locker room, teammates' home, bus), and are then forced to perform sometimes painful physical, humiliating, embarrassing, or degrading acts. After the completion of the hazing, rookie athletes are expected to express their enthusiasm for becoming a member of the group (Kirby & Wintrup, 2002). Research has indicated that athlete responses to their hazing experience fall on a continuum ranging from feelings of pride to trauma (Bryshun, 1997; Crandall, 2003; Hinkle, 2005; Hoover, 1999; Hoover & Pollard, 2000; Kirby & Wintrup, 2002). The social dynamics and power relations in hazing and initiations are complex. Athletes' desire or need to belong to the group and desire to confirm their identity as a member of the team may promote the individual's voluntary or involuntary participation in sometimes criminal or non-criminal acts.

Need to Belong

The need to belong may very well be a fundamental human need. Treating it as such may provide a further explanation of why hazing exists and is perpetuated in high school athletics. Baumeister and Leary (1995) conducted a meta-analysis of existing social and personality psychology literature to evaluate their hypothesis that belonging, or the need to belong, is a fundamental human need that underlies human motivation and behavior. The need to belong was defined as "a need to form and maintain at least a minimum quantity of interpersonal relationships" (p. 499). Consequently, this need should encourage the individual to engage in goal-directed activity that will seek to satisfy it (Baumeister & Leary, 1995). The need to belong promotes the desire of individuals to develop, nurture, and maintain positive social relationships. With this in mind, one can reflect on the role sports participation may have in providing an opportunity for people to develop positive and lasting social relationships.

Sport Subculture & Identity Formation

Sport groups and subcultures serve as opportunities for individuals to belong to a group and may also contribute to the process of shaping an individual's identity. Subcultures emerge when a group has a set of unique and shared attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors that become significant as certain aspects of the dominant culture within which the group exists begin to be selectively eliminated, either unconsciously or consciously (Donnelly, 1985). Donnelly (1985) identified seven characteristics of subcultures. According to his research, subcultures are:

• An identifiable group within a culture or across cultures,

• Composed of smaller groups and individuals,

• Whose members are similar in values, norms, beliefs, dress, attitudes, and language that are somewhat different from the cultures in which they exist,

• Which dominate their lifestyle and allocation of resources,

• Additionally, they are formed activities that have scope and potential,

• And are actively created and maintained by their members by,

• Face-to-face interaction and other forms of communication (p. 561).

The need or desire to belong to a group or identify with a specific group may motivate individuals to take on the behaviors, norms, artifacts, and values that are characteristic of the subculture because the condition for belonging to the group is dependent on an individual's adherence to the group's system of beliefs and behaviors (Fine & Kleinman, 1979). The community in which the subculture exists impacts a group member's identification with the group and use of the group's traditions based on the communities' reactions to the behaviors, beliefs, and attitudes of the subculture (Fine & Kleinman, 1979). Sport is highly valued in American culture, and therefore, many Americans want to identify themselves with a particular sports subculture (e.g., sport, club, team). An individual's desire for identification with a subculture or particular group is the motivating factor for an individual to attempt to become socialized in a subculture by adopting the group's norms and practices (Fine & Kleinman, 1979). The socialization process of an individual athlete into a sports subculture or its subunit is typically viewed as a "process of identity formation" toward the subcultural identity (Donnelly & Young, 1988, p. 223). The athlete experiences socialization by reproducing the group's norms, beliefs, values, and behaviors (Bryshun, 1997; Donnelly & Young, 1988).

To become part of a group, one must undergo a process of identity construction that involves the process of presocialization, selection and recruitment, and socialization. During this phase, the new members deliberately adopt the style of dress, mannerisms, attitudes, speech, and behaviors that are "perceived to be characteristic of the established members" (Donnelly & Young, 1988, p. 224). The new member begins to take on "new roles" and begins modifying old roles through a process that will provide a new sense of identification with the group and a new sense or concept of self (Donnelly & Young, 1988, p. 225). Identity confirmation follows identity construction. Identity confirmation is the process by which the rookie is either accepted or rejected by the group.

The initiation ritual or hazing process is part of the socialization period of the identity construction and confirmation phases. The initiation ceremony serves as an opportunity for veteran members to test and gauge the rookie's loyalty and commitment to the group. During the socialization phase—particularly during the initiation or hazing situation—rookies are expected to act in a way as to validate their identity as group members. They are expected to act in a submissive manner toward the veteran's demands regardless of whether they believe that the activity is agreeable with their own values and beliefs (Donnelly & Young, 1988). One's satisfactory construction and confirmation of the subculture identity is contingent upon the completion of the initiation or hazing rituals. These rituals act as a process by which the rookie can prove that he or she upholds the values and expectations of the group and can be considered loyal and committed.

One factor that may contribute to an individual's willingness to seek membership on a team and to endure initiation or hazing is the strength of an individual's athletic identity. Brewer, van Raalte, and Linder (1993) defined athletic identity as "the degree to which an individual identifies with the athlete role" (p. 237). These researchers proposed the construct of athletic identity within the self-concept and conclude that individuals who possess a strong athletic identity will, compared to individuals with weaker athletic identities, place greater importance on their sport involvement. They will also interpret events according to how they impact or relate to sport involvement (Brewer, van Raalte, & Linder, 1993). Through the process of identity construction and confirmation, new group members may have to accept and act on beliefs, values, and behaviors that create internal conflict. Yet the desire to become a recognized and confirmed member of the group—as well as the desire to develop and maintain an athletic identity—may supersede their reluctance to participate in personally unacceptable activities that are required for group membership.

Applications

Educational & Policy Implications

Because of the prevalence and consequences of hazing, it is important for coaches, parents, administrators, and policymakers to take a proactive role in educating student-athletes about hazing and implementing a policy that protects student-athletes and appropriately reprimands offenders. The following are practical suggestions for faculty, staff, and other school district personnel (Hinkle, 2005):

• Coaches and educators must make sure student-athletes are informed about hazing by discussing examples of hazing as well as the social, psychological, and legal consequences of hazing.

• Coaches must take a proactive role in team building during the beginning of the season. By incorporating activities that involve personal and team challenges, a coach can replace negative methods of "team building" that may be conducted by the team veterans.

• Since an athlete's strong commitment to the athlete role may contribute to an unhealthy perspective on the role of hazing in sports, coaches, educators, and parents need to make a concerted effort to foster athletes' development of a well-rounded global self-concept. This can be done by encouraging athletes to participate in a variety of other non-athletic extracurricular activities and supporting their academic work.

• Coaches should recognize and foster the development of positive leadership skills in their athletes. Leadership on the team is a key factor in the formation and shaping of team culture. By taking a coaching and mentoring approach toward developing student leaders, coaches will help to develop positive team leaders while taking a proactive role in shaping healthy team culture and values.

Based on the research, it is apparent that hazing exists in a variety of forms at the high school and collegiate levels. In the 2020s, methods of hazing may have evolved with the Internet and social media, but the theories and implications remain unchanged. Forty-seven percent of high school students say they experience hazing high school sports before they enter college (Ohio University, 2020). It is imperative that administrators take a proactive stance on the development and implementation of anti-hazing policy. Also, proper attention should be given to anti-hazing policies so that athletes are aware of the anti-hazing rules and laws to which they are subject. Finally, if a hazing incident occurs, policy needs to be supported by administrative action. Because hazing is commonly viewed as "a tradition" or "something everyone has to go through to join a team," taking a passive role in fighting hazing will not eliminate the practice.

Terms & Concepts

Athletic Hazing: "A series of numerous hazardous activities that veteran team members order rookies to engage in, or suggest that they engage in, that in some way humbles (Nuwer, 1999, p. xxv), degrades or embarrasses them, recklessly or intentionally endangers their mental or physical health or safety, for the purposes of admission (Oklahoma State University, n.d., p. 2) to a team and where the rookies lack the power to resist because they want to gain membership into the group (Nuwer, 1999, p. xxv)" (Kirby & Wintrup, 2002, p. 67).

Athletic Identity: "The degree to which an individual identifies with the athlete role" (Brewer, van Raalte, & Linder, 1993, p. 237).

Identity Confirmation: The process of being either accepted or rejected by a group. It is symbolic of a prospective member's position on the borderline between the larger culture and a specific subculture (Donnelly & Young, 1988, 1999).

Identity Construction: The process of presocialization, selection, and recruitment, and socialization in which new or prospective members deliberately adopt the style of dress, mannerisms, attitudes, speech, and behaviors that are "perceived to be characteristic of the established members" (Donnelly & Young, 1988, p. 224).

Mental Hazing: Hazing that causes participants mental discomfort through, for example, extended periods of sleep deprivation, sexual or racial ridicule, or forced conduct.

Physical Hazing: Hazing that aims to place physical pressure on rookies through activities like binge drinking, paddling, or forced calisthenics (Nuwer, 1999).

Rite of Passage: "The recurring social mechanisms that a society provides for the orderly transitions in its social relationships and that serve as revitalization comprise a series of events that include rituals and ceremonies" (Leemon, 1972, p. 1).

Sexual Hazing: Hazing that "consists of activities specifically designed to harass and abuse rookies by sexualizing them, diminishing their masculinity (for males) or femininity (for females) or their sexual identity, and/or by targeting them in sexually harassing and sexually abusive activities" (Berrill, 1992, p. 22 as cited by Kirby & Wintrup, 2002).

Bibliography

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Hoover, N. C. (1999). National survey: Initiation rites and athletics for NCAA spots teams. Retrieved October 20, 2004, from Alfred University Department of Communications http://www.alfred.edu/sports%5fhazing/index.html

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Suggested Reading

Allen, J. (2003). Social motivation in youth sport. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 25, 551-567.

Anderson, E., McCormack, M., & Lee, H. (2012). Male team sport hazing initiations in a culture of decreasing homohysteria. Journal of Adolescent Research, 27, 427-448. Retrieved December 13, 2013 from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=76451363

Aronson, E. (1992). The return of the repressed: Dissonance theory makes a comeback. Psychological Inquiry, 3, 303-311. Retrieved February 19, 2008 from EBSCO Online Database Academic Search Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=7402384&site=ehost-live

Aronson, E., & Mills, J. (1959, September). The effect of severity of initiation on liking for a group. Journal of Abnormal Social Psychology, 59, 177-181.

Caperchione, C. M. (2001). Gender differences in coaches' perceptions toward hazing in intercollegiate athletics. Unpublished master's thesis, University of Windsor, Ontario, Canada.

Janis, I. (1972). Group think. Psychology Today, 5, 43-46.

Nuwer, H. (1990). Broken pledges: The deadly rite of hazing. Athens, GA: Longstreet Press.

Ramzy, I., & Bryant, K. (1962). Notes on initiation and hazing practices. Psychiatry, 10, 354-362.

Scanlan, T. K., Simons, J. P., Carpenter, P. J., Schmidt, G. W., & Keeler, B. (1993). The sport commitment model: Measurement development for the youth-sport domain. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 15, 16-38.