Asian American women and social equality
Asian American women represent a diverse demographic that has faced unique challenges in the quest for social equality. Comprising various cultural backgrounds, including but not limited to Chinese, Korean, and Hmong, this group has historically encountered significant barriers, such as racial prejudice, social stereotypes, and economic inequalities. Despite higher labor force participation rates compared to other women in the U.S., many Asian American women are concentrated in low-skilled, low-wage jobs, often struggling against the "glass ceiling" that limits their representation in leadership and prestigious professions.
The experiences of Asian American women are further complicated by cultural expectations and norms, which can conflict with the assertiveness required to navigate American society. Issues such as language barriers and economic hardships also impact their ability to achieve upward mobility. However, a growing number of these women are turning to politics and activism, inspired by civil rights movements, to advocate for their rights and address issues of discrimination based on race and gender.
The landscape for Asian American women is continually evolving, marked by both progress and persistent disparities. As they work to reconcile their cultural heritage with the demands of contemporary society, the challenge remains to foster unity among diverse groups while addressing internal community tensions.
Asian American women and social equality
SIGNIFICANCE: In the early twenty-first century, Asian American women belonged to the fastest-growing group of minorities in the United States and Canada.
In 2012, the US Census Bureau reported that the Asian population in the United States was the fastest-growing racial group between 2000 and 2010. During the decade, the “Asian alone” population grew 43 percent from 10.2 million to 14.7 million people, representing 4.2 percent of the total population, while the “Asian alone or in combination” population grew by 46 percent from 11.9 million to 17.3 million, representing 5.6 percent of the total population. By the 2020s, over 12 million Asian women were living in the US.
Demographics
The US Census Bureau defines an individual in the Asian population as “a person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent.” Countries of origin may include Cambodia, China, India, Japan, Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan, the Philippine Islands, Thailand, and Vietnam, among others. Asian American women live primarily in California, New York, Texas, Hawaii, and Washington, as well as several midwestern states.
In general, Asian American men had higher rates of graduation from a high school or higher institution than women in 1990, with 82 percent versus 74 percent. Among the various groups of women, however, disparities exist in terms of completion rates. A high school or higher educational level had been obtained by 86 percent of Japanese American women but only 19 percent of Hmong American women. Asian American women had a higher labor force participation rate than all women. In 1990, 60 percent of Asian American women were in the labor force, compared with 57 percent of all women in the United States. By the 2020s, Black American women had a slightly higher participation in the workforce (62 percent) than Asian women (59.5 percent).
The diversity in origins and cultural backgrounds of Asian Americans has made it difficult to speak of an Asian American culture that ties all these groups together. Nevertheless, common themes can be found in the experiences of women who must struggle constantly with the social burden not only of their race but also of their gender and their class.
Reasons for Coming to America
Historically, it is difficult to speak of Asian American immigrant women in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, because there were relatively few of them. Restrictions on Chinese and Japanese men bringing their wives to American shores led to the phenomenon of bachelor men and picture brides. In addition to legal restrictions, cultural deterrents kept Asian women from venturing abroad: “respectable” women did not travel far from home; the only women to do so were housekeepers and sex workers. Those Asian women who were able to immigrate labored under hard physical conditions and were often callously treated. In many cases, however, leaving their home country was these women’s only alternative to poverty, war, and persecution. Some of the most recent arrivals to the United States—Southeast Asians from Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos—came as refugees of wars in their homelands. Still other Asian women came in search of adventure and the excitement of living in a new country, especially those from more affluent families and those who were well educated.
Yet, no matter what their original status in their native countries, Asian American women have often encountered a hostile society in the West. Even those who have been living in the United States or Canada for many years or decades have not been spared this hostility. Moreover, Asian American women born in the West are not guaranteed fair treatment. Many immigrant Asian American women are faced with racial prejudice and stereotypes, financial hardships, violence, and social ostracism, forcing them to learn survival skills in order to adapt to life in a new country. Some adjusted quite well to the new environment, while others did not.
Issues of Concern
Despite the hard work and self-sacrifice of many Asian American women, disparity often exists between striving and achievement. Many newer immigrants must contend with a lack of communication because of poor English-speaking skills. The necessity of a paycheck relegates some to work as hotel room cleaners, servers, cooks, shop clerks, and electronics assembly-line workers. Some postpone learning English and may never leave their entry-level jobs.
In 1980, Asian American women with four or more years of college were most likely to find jobs in administrative support or clerical occupations, such as cashiers, file clerks, office machine operators, and typists. They were overrepresented in these jobs, many of which not only have low prestige, low mobility, and low public contact but also offer little or no decision-making authority. Asian American women are least represented in the more prestigious professions: physicians, judges, dentists, law professors, and lawyers. Thus, Asian American women in general are poorly represented in higher-level management and leadership positions and experience the “glass ceiling,” which often prevents women and minorities from rising above a certain job level. The fact that Asian American women do not reap the income and other benefits one might expect given their high levels of educational achievement raises questions about the reasons for such inequality. To what extent is this situation attributable to self-imposed limitations related to cultural modesty, the absence of certain social and interpersonal skills required for upper-managerial positions, institutional factors beyond their control, or outright discrimination?
The number of Asian American women turning to mainstream politics, running for office, or working in politics is increasing. The civil rights movement and antiwar movements of the mid-twentieth century motivated many younger Asian American women to become politically active over issues of discrimination because of race, sex, or place of origin. In the 1960s, the first wave of Asian American feminism focused on empowering these women economically, socially, and politically. The second wave of activism in the 1980s focused on working with specific women’s groups as support networks for women of color. Some Asian American women became involved in assisting individuals experiencing homelessness or poverty (many of whom were older adult immigrants), nuclear disarmament efforts, and the international issues of freedom in the Philippines and Korea and the sex trade in Asia.
Many conflicts still need to be resolved. Some tension exists in the Asian American community between new arrivals and long-term residents or citizens, between native-born and foreign-born members, and between the professional and working classes. New arrivals still look to Asia for reference, while the US-born tend to view the world from an American perspective. The established working class views the new arrivals as competitors for the same scarce resources. The established professionals look askance at those with limited English proficiency and their culturally ill-at-ease immigrant counterparts. Professionals dissociate themselves from the residents of ethnic ghettos in Chinatowns, Koreatowns, and Little Tokyos. Working-class Asian Americans view the professionals’ tendency to speak for the community with suspicion.
The chasm between traditional Asian familial values and mainstream values is a source of conflict for many Asian American women. To be effective, they must be aggressive, but this approach contradicts traditional Asian feminine values of passivity and subordination. They must be highly visible and public, contrary to the values of modesty and moderation. Thus, the Asian American woman pressured to conform to traditional female roles must overcome many barriers in the attempt to adjust to the American environment.
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