Dianne Feinstein

Politician

• Born: June 22, 1933
• Birthplace: San Francisco, California
• Died: September 28, 2023
• Place of death: Washington, D.C.

In each of her elected offices, from the presidency of the Board of Supervisors of San Francisco to US senator from California, Feinstein was a pioneer and the first woman to hold each position.

Area of achievement Government and politics

Early Life

Dianne Feinstein was born Dianne Emiel Goldman to Leon Goldman, a Jewish physician, and Betty Rosenburg Goldman, a Roman Catholic woman of Russian descent. She endured a difficult childhood that could have irreparably scarred her but instead left her resilient and strong. An alcoholic who was ill with a brain disorder that was not diagnosed until much later, Betty Goldman was frequently abusive toward her daughters, and Feinstein assumed a protective role for her two younger sisters. Her father, a busy physician, was a sustaining force in her life as well as a highly respected member of the community. The poles of opposition that dominated her childhood were reflected in her concurrent attendance at temple services and the Convent of the Sacred Heart High School, where she was graduated in 1951. One of the stabilizing forces during her youth was her uncle, Morris Goldman, who moved in with the family and introduced her to the workings of government by taking her to meetings of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. Often critical of the board’s actions, he urged his niece to get an education and do the job better. She determined while still in high school to pursue a career in government service. In preparation, she attended Stanford University. During her senior year, she served as vice president of the student body.

After graduating from Stanford with a bachelor’s degree in history in 1955, Feinstein accepted an internship in public affairs with the CORO Foundation and spent a year studying public policy. In her subsequent position as an administrative assistant for the California Industrial Welfare Commission, she met and married Jack Berman, a lawyer, but the marriage lasted less than three years. With her nine-month-old daughter, Katherine Anne, Feinstein started anew. Governor Edmund S. Brown, having been impressed by her when she was a high school friend of his daughter, sought her out to serve on the California Women’s Board of Terms and Paroles, a position she held from 1960 until 1966. Her second marriage in 1962 to Bertram Feinstein provided stability in her personal life. Her second husband encouraged her continued involvement in public activities. Her interest in the justice system broadened with positions on the Committee on Adult Detention and the San Francisco Mayor’s Commission on Crime. Her experiences in these jobs further prepared her to seek elected office.

Life’s Work

Feinstein’s election to the San Francisco Board of Supervisors in 1969 marked the beginning of her noteworthy career as an elected public official. As one of the first San Francisco politicians to use television extensively for campaigning, Feinstein received more votes than any other candidate for supervisor. Thus, she became president of the Board of Supervisors for 1970–71, the first woman to serve in that position. Despite her popularity as a supervisor and as president of the board serving a second term as president from 1974 to 1975 and being reelected for a third term in 1978, life was not without its setbacks for her both professionally and personally. After losing two bids for mayor in 1971 and 1975 and coping with her husband’s long bout with cancer and subsequent death in April 1978, Feinstein was so emotionally bereft that she contemplated a full withdrawal from public life. Only hours after making such a pronouncement to reporters, however, Feinstein found herself acting mayor of San Francisco. The assassination of Mayor George Moscone and Supervisor Harvey Milk thrust Feinstein abruptly into the forefront of San Francisco government and placed her once again in a pioneering role as the first woman to serve as the city’s mayor. The dignity and poise with which she handled the crisis evoked strong support for Feinstein from her constituency. Running a city with as many diverse groups as San Francisco possessed was not easy. Feinstein prided herself in being a centrist, however, and immediately demonstrated her intention to be an activist mayor. She established such early priorities as reducing response time for police officers and firefighters, revitalizing public transportation, and improving garbage pickup. To ensure the success of her endeavors, Feinstein raised taxes when necessary, leading some critics to label her as a “tax and spend” Democrat while others complained about her lack of a long-term plan.

Feinstein narrowly won reelection in 1979, survived a recall election in 1983, and later that year decisively won her second full term as mayor with 80 percent of the vote, a result that led to her being a finalist for the Democratic vice presidential nomination. Among her major accomplishments during her tenure as mayor were the elimination of a deficit in the city budget, improvement of city services, and redevelopment of downtown, including rebuilding the city’s cable car system. In 1987, City and State Magazine designated her the “Most Effective Mayor” in the United States.

Despite Feinstein’s accomplishments and her popularity, by law she was unable to seek a third term and thus began exploring the possibility of running for governor of California. Although the office of mayor in San Francisco was nominally nonpartisan, Feinstein’s allegiance to the Democratic Party was widely known, and she had been seriously considered for the 1984 Democratic vice presidential nomination. Democratic challengers faced a difficult battle for the governorship (which had been dominated by Republicans), especially a candidate without a statewide political base or network of support, but Feinstein believed that the time was right and committed herself to a campaign for California governor.

The early stages of Feinstein’s campaign for the Democratic nomination for governor were fraught with problems in staffing. Feinstein was also troubled by physical problems that left her without adequate energy and forced her to undergo major surgery in July 1989. Her opponent, California attorney general John Van de Kamp, had pulled far ahead of her in the polls by late fall, and her campaign was so underfunded that her staff contemplated the possibility of her withdrawal. At that point, however, Feinstein responded by conferring with her staff to devise a strategy to revitalize her campaign. Her third husband, Richard C. Blum, an investment banker whom she had married in 1980, provided strong financial support for Feinstein’s advertising campaign on television. The most effective commercial centered on her ability to handle crises, as illustrated through dramatic black-and-white footage of Feinstein’s announcement of Moscone and Milk’s deaths. This sympathetic portrayal of Feinstein’s leadership ability was a major influence in her come-from-behind victory over Van de Kamp.

With the momentum of a strong primary victory, Feinstein moved into the general election against the Republican candidate, Senator Pete Wilson. The election was especially significant to both parties because the victor would oversee reapportionment of the seven new congressional districts that were to be created in California as a result of the increase in population measured by the 1990 census. Republicans were thus pouring in considerable money, and Feinstein again found herself confronting the difficulties of raising money and reaching voters statewide.

In addition to promoting government reform, Feinstein campaigned on issues related to the environment and abortion rights. Although Feinstein had identified herself as unequivocally pro-choice in the primary, most feminist leaders, including the state chapter of National Organization for Women (NOW), had endorsed her opponent, Van de Kamp. Even in the general election, feminist supporters were unenthusiastic, and some analysts suggested that her lack of ties to women’s groups ultimately cost Feinstein the election.

Once again, the Feinstein campaign relied heavily on television advertising and centered on the slogan “tough but caring.” During the last weeks of campaigning, the race became extremely close, but Feinstein eventually lost by 3.46 percent of the vote. Campaign manager Bill Carrick attributed the loss to a failure to produce commercials that attracted voters, citing the difficulty of presenting a woman candidate as tough enough for the job without creating a sense of hardness that alienates voters.

Undaunted by the loss, however, Feinstein proclaimed that public service had been and would continue to be her life. Indeed, she moved almost immediately into a campaign for the US Senate, announcing in early 1991 her intention to run in the 1992 election for Governor Pete Wilson’s former seat, then being temporarily filled by Wilson’s appointee, Republican John Seymour. Some political analysts questioned Feinstein’s decision to run for the remaining two years of Wilson’s term rather than for a full six-year term to succeed retiring Senator Alan Cranston. Although Feinstein may have hoped to preempt the Democratic field with her early move and avoid an expensive primary campaign, that did not occur, and state controller Gray Davis provided strong opposition.

Because she had proved herself a viable statewide candidate in the 1990 race for governor, however, Feinstein found fund-raising easier, and she had to rely less on her former husband for campaign financing. Nevertheless, the issue of finances plagued the early part of her campaign when the California Fair Political Practices Commission filed an $8 million suit for campaign reporting violations in her race for governor. The suit was eventually settled for $190,000, with both sides agreeing that unintentional errors in bookkeeping and reporting had occurred.

Following a decisive victory in the Democratic primary, Feinstein entered the general election alongside noted feminist politician Barbara Boxer, who had won the Democratic nomination for the second Senate seat. Feinstein’s male Republican opponent was John Seymour, who was known for his support of feminist causes over the years. As a result, Feinstein, who had generally not emphasized women’s issues in previous campaigns, began aggressively stressing such feminist issues as abortion rights, family leave, child support, and domestic violence. A prominent campaign phrase also played on the fact that only two members of the US Senate were women: “Two percent may be okay for milk, but it isn’t for the US Senate.”

When critics complained about her record on women’s issues while she was mayor, Feinstein admitted she had been wrong in refusing to sign a 1983 resolution commemorating the tenth anniversary of Roe v. Wade but noted she had consistently been pro-choice. She also defended her veto of a comparable worth plan in 1985 by arguing that it was inadequate and by emphasizing that she had written a better proposal, which passed the following year.

With her subsequent election to the Senate, Feinstein again broke new ground. She and Boxer became the first female senators from California, the first Jewish senators from the state, and the first all-female delegation to the US Senate. Analysts indicated that major factors in Feinstein’s victory were her plan for improving the economy (especially reducing military spending to increase funding for environmental protection projects), the desire to initiate change in Washington, the anger over the Senate’s treatment of Anita Hill during the confirmation hearings of Clarence Thomas to the US Supreme Court, and the related desire to see more women in the Senate. Because Feinstein took office as soon as the November election was certified, she became the senior senator from California.

In 1994, Feinstein won reelection for a full term, narrowly defeating her Republican challenger, Michael Huffington, who more than doubled her in campaign spending. Feinstein’s skill at turning Huffington’s attacks against him as well as revelations that the Huffington household had employed an undocumented immigrant were major factors in her victory. With another six-year term ahead, Feinstein continued to focus on her major interests, including the environment and gun control. She had led the fight for passage of the California Desert Protection Act and Public Safety and Recreational Firearms Use Protection Act, both of which were signed into law by President Bill Clinton in 1994.

In 1998 many Democratic supporters tried to convince Feinstein to run for governor of California. She had greater name recognition than any Democrat in the race, a significant lead in opinion polls, and ten million dollars in campaign pledges. Furthermore, the timing of the race meant she would not jeopardize her Senate seat. After initially contemplating the possibility, Feinstein ultimately rejected a campaign for governor, choosing instead to continue her work in the Senate and running for reelection in 2000. She faced moderate Republican Tom Campbell in what some expected to be a tough contest, but she won convincingly. Feinstein’s name was also among those widely suggested as a possible vice president for Democratic presidential nominee Al Gore, but he chose Senator Joe Lieberman instead.

In 2001, Feinstein joined with Republican Fred Thompson of Tennessee to develop an amendment that was crucial to the Senate’s passage of the bill to revise campaign finance laws (Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act). Their compromise raised the amount of contributions to specific candidates (known as “hard money”) in exchange for placing more restrictions on donations for party-related activities and issue advertising campaigns (“soft money”). Feinstein continued her bipartisanship both in working on compromises and in supporting some Republican bills that were unpopular with the Democratic Party, including the tax cuts of 2001; the Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement, and Modernization Act of 2003; and a flag burning amendment. She also continued to push for environmental issues, working for five years with fellow Senator Barbara Boxer and California representative Mike Thompson on the Northern California Coastal Wild Heritage Wilderness Act, which President George W. Bush signed into law in October, 2006.

Because of her widespread popularity, Feinstein had only token opposition from the Republican Party in her 2006 reelection campaign. While some speculated that this might be her last run for public office, she refused to rule out future campaigns, emphasizing that she expected to continue working as long as she was able. Feinstein stressed her desire to focus on global warming and gang violence while continuing her interest in cancer research. She also denounced President George W. Bush’s war policy in Iraq; called her vote in October 2002 in support of the war a mistake that was based on the misinformation given by White House officials; and urged the Bush administration to seek diplomatic solutions to Middle East problems. In anticipation of the possibility of Democrats gaining control of Congress, she continued to emphasize her desire to help forge a bipartisan legislature.

Before the start of a new congressional term in 2007, Feinstein resigned from the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Military Construction, Veterans Affairs, and Related Agencies (MILCON), where she had served as the ranking member from 2001 to 2006 (chair 2001 and 2002). Feinstein argued that she could assist California more with her attention to internal matters, and she would do this by continuing as a member of the Appropriations Committee and becoming chair of its Subcommittee on Interior, Environment, and Related Agencies. Metro Newspapers (weekly alternative newspapers in Northern California) claimed her resignation from MILCON followed a reporter’s investigation into a possible conflict of interest. Feinstein’s husband, Richard C. Blum, had substantial investments in Perini and URS, two major defense contractors who received more than a billion dollars for military construction projects during the terms of her MILCON membership. In late 2005 Blum’s investment firm divested its interest in Perini and URS. Feinstein denied assisting these companies in any way with contracts, and research by Copley News Service did not find evidence that Feinstein had helped them. They spoke of the arrangement as a conflict of interest, however, noted the potential for abuse, and questioned the propriety of her voting on the awarding of contracts that went to companies in which her husband had a major investment.

Having previously been the first woman to serve on the Senate Judiciary Committee, Feinstein in 2007 became the first woman to serve as chair of the Senate Rules and Administration Committee, thus continuing a pattern that she has followed through much of her career. She also became chair of the Judiciary Subcommittee on Technology, Terrorism and Homeland Security, putting her in a stronger position to follow her stated goal of more attention to internal affairs.

Feinstein was reelected in 2012. She played a significant role in the battle over the Supreme Court nomination of Brett Kavanaugh; Christine Blasey Ford, a California resident who accused Kavanaugh of sexually assaulting her, first revealed these allegations in a letter to Feinstein in July 2018. Feinstein received some criticism for not revealing the content of the letter to anyone else until September; Feinstein claimed that this was in accordance with Ford's stated wishes. Despite this controversy, and despite losing the California Democratic Party's endorsement to state senator Kevin de Leon, Feinstein finished first in the state's jungle primary that year and defeated de Leon, who finished second, in the general election.

After Feinstein was recognized in late 2022 as the newest longest-serving female senator in history, she announced in early 2023 that she would not be pursuing reelection in 2024. Following a period of declining health, Feinstein died on September 28, 2023, at the age of 90.

Significance

In many respects, Feinstein’s life has been one of exploring new territory for women. In each of her elected positions, she has been the first woman to hold that office, a situation often fraught with difficulties. Feinstein has acknowledged feeling that she is constantly being tested because of being “first,” yet she has successfully met the challenges in each position. Having begun her quest for political office before the full flowering of the feminist movement, Feinstein established her position in the world of politics independent of women’s groups and without a feminist agenda. Subsequently, however, she embraced women’s causes and made them a significant part of her life’s goal, to contribute to humankind through government service.

Feinstein’s legacy is that of the centrist, of the moderate who can work with both parties. Although she has angered conservatives with her support of gun control and abortion rights and has displeased members of her own party by voting for tax cuts and legislation favoring business, she has also been a leader in bringing the two parties together on such major issues as gun control, the environment, and campaign reform. In 2000, Congressional Quarterly named her one of the Top Fifty Members and Top Five Centrists in Congress. Numerous other awards, recognitions, and honorary degrees have been accorded Feinstein during her long political career, many of them related to her efforts to advance breast cancer research, support environmental causes, and stop gun violence.

Bibliography

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