Race, Gender and Social Mobility

Race, gender, and social mobility are interconnected concepts that explore how individuals navigate their movement between different social strata within diverse societies. Social mobility encompasses both upward and downward movement, influenced by personal choices, environmental conditions, and societal structures. This complexity is further enhanced when taking into account the varying experiences of different racial and gender groups, which often face unique barriers. For instance, educational opportunities, economic conditions, and access to resources can significantly affect the social mobility of individuals, particularly among women and racial minorities.

Research indicates that while individuals may achieve upward mobility through education and career advancement, systemic inequities often limit these opportunities for certain groups. Factors such as geographic location, historical context, and socio-economic status play crucial roles in shaping the mobility landscape. The intersection of race and gender creates distinct challenges, with studies showing that women, especially from working-class backgrounds, frequently encounter obstacles in accessing higher education and well-paying jobs. In contrast, racial minorities may remain confined to specific neighborhoods, limiting their social mobility despite individual aspirations. Understanding these dynamics is essential for addressing the disparities that persist in modern society and fostering a more equitable environment for all individuals seeking to improve their social standing.

Published in: 2021

By: Auerbach, Michael P.

Subject Terms

Race, Gender and Social Mobility

Abstract

Social mobility is the study of individual movement between social strata. If one views societies from a homogenous perspective, social mobility trends would be static and quantifiable. However, the diversity of a given modern society lends to an equally complex profile of mobility within that social framework. This paper will discern two social subgroups, gender and race, and assess the social mobility of these two societal components. By casting a light on the social mobility of members of these two groups in comparison to a broader societal context, the reader will glean a more comprehensive illustration of the equities and inequities of modern society.

Overview

Stories of a young man or woman overcoming social seclusion or poverty have been told throughout human history, and the vast majority of these stories focus on a rags-to-riches plotline. Princess Nori of Japan, however, willingly chose to give up her life of royalty and privilege and live as a commoner.

Sayako Kuroda, who was born in 1969, is the youngest child and only daughter of Japanese Emperor Akihito and Empress Michiko. Her life as a princess was a matter of heritage and not the product of upward social mobility. In 2005, however, she willingly gave up the royal lifestyle by marrying Yoshiki Kuroda, who is a commoner. In doing so, she forfeited her birthright and moved from the highest echelon of Japanese society to the status of an everyday Japanese citizen. She moved out of the royal palace and into a condominium, took driving lessons, and began to shop at local supermarket (Watts, 2005).

Sociology is the study of human societies. Of course, any modern society is anything but homogenous. Societies are comprised of different ethnicities, races, creeds, subcultures, genders, and orientations. In this light, the term melting pot is misleading, as it suggests the melting together of a heterogeneous group in order to become homogeneous.

In one arena of sociology, this multiplicity of cultures presents an interesting illustration of the successes and shortcomings of modern society. Social mobility is the study of individual movement between social strata. If one views societies from a homogenous perspective, social mobility trends would be static and quantifiable. However, the diversity of any modern society lends to an equally complex profile of mobility within that social framework.

This paper will discern two subgroups, gender and race, and assess the social mobility of these two societal components. By casting a light on the social mobility of these two facets in comparison to a broader societal context, the reader will glean a more comprehensive illustration of the equities and inequities of modern society.

Two Types of Social Mobility. Social mobility takes into account a variety of factors and indicators. For the purposes of this paper, mobility will be explained in two general contexts. First, mobility is accomplished as a result of individual pursuits and actions. A person takes advantage of the resources, economic trends, educational institutions, and public services provided him or her with the ability to move into a higher social stratum or to a lateral arena within the same stratum. This movement is assessed in two manners. In the first, intergenerational mobility, an individual's social position is compared with that of his or her parents. If the son or daughter is in a higher stratum than his or her parents, then upward social mobility has occurred. In the second instance, intragenerational mobility, mobility is gauged by monitoring the changes that have occurred for an individual throughout his or her life. In each of these situations, the mobility that occurs is a result of an individual making choices in order to move into a different social position in life.

In the second form of mobility, the individual takes little action to better his or her situation. Rather, the environment in which he or she lives has changed in such a way that allows a segment of the population to move into a higher or lower stratum. Structural mobility, as this second area is known, occurs when society as a whole experiences a significant shift. The Great Depression, for example, caused a tremendous number of Americans to lose their jobs and social standing. When that tumultuous period came to an end and the workforce was called into demand again, millions of people returned to work with greater job security and better ability to provide for their families.

The modern, post-World War II world has also seen tremendous social upheaval that raised and lowered citizens' social standing. For example, the fall of the Soviet Union stratified the formerly classless Russian society. Additionally, the collapse of the South African regime of apartheid elevated disenfranchised and impoverished black countrymen, creating a system of relative social equity. Far more opportunities now exist for black South Africans than ever before in that country's history.

Linking Social & Structural Mobility. An important debate continues to grow within sociological fields. In this discussion, the question of whether to link or separate structural mobility with social mobility in one consistent model is ongoing. Some see this debate in more philosophical terms. Social mobility (also known as "circulation mobility") is defined in mathematical terms as total mobility minus structural mobility (Krauze & Slomczynski, 1986). Social mobility and structural mobility are viewed as divergent concepts. The logic is simple: circulation mobility is based on the individual and structural mobility centers on environmental shifts that change the society, with or without the individual's input.

Conversely, much attention has been paid to the notion of structural and social mobility as one overarching and conjoined concept, not separate ideals. This view can best be supported by the fact that many examples of individual mobility are based in structural changes as well ("Methods," 1989). There are a number of situations in which an individual's position may be improved in comparison to the status of his or her parents. However, these situations may also have a basis in a structural arena, such as an improved economy, social upheaval, or changes in political leadership.

Perhaps the most agreed-upon element of this debate is that there is a lack of data that could either eliminate or confirm the link between structural and circulation mobility. In light of this fact, a conclusive validation of either of these theories remains elusive. For the purposes of this paper, we will assume a model in which structural and circulation mobility are connected, that gender and race plays a role in social mobility, and that the mobility witnessed by women and non-Caucasians may have a basis in social mobility, and yet environmental conditions can have an impact as well.

Further Insights

Mobility & Gender. In an ideal world, politics, economics, and social grouping would not play a role in social mobility. Mobility, after all, comes from individual initiative to take advantage of opportunities in order to move upward. Among the available resources is education, which is instrumental in helping to advance one’s career and social standing.

Educational resources are not always be available for all members of a society. In fact, there are a number of social groups whose access to certain services, resources, and programs is limited or unavailable. A growing number of activists and sociologists point out that although governments, entrepreneurs, and civic leaders stress advocate for such resources, inequities exist among various races, ethnicities, and genders.

A 2007 study by the University of Akron and Duke University points to the importance of a post-secondary education to upward social mobility. Life disruptions such as early parenthood, military service, or employment during height school tended to disrupt the educational plans and paths. The study revealed that working-class women who find themselves in such a situation are therefore more likely to pursue associate-level certificates than traditional, four-year undergraduate-level education, which makes upward social mobility less likely to occur (Elman & O'Rand, 2007).

A University of Newcastle study revealed that such inequities are not localized to the United States. A series of interviews with working-class women revealed that very few understood the university system well enough to enroll in it, largely due to the fact that their mothers did not receive a university education when they were their daughters' age. When they did enter a university, the women in the study struggled to juggle schoolwork, employment, and other extracurricular activities in which they needed to participate to make ends meet. Some found a university less sympathetic to their situation than they had hoped. One student, heavily burdened by her studies and concurrent employment needs, commented on the response she received from her academic advisors:

When I was struggling to manage the two the advice I received from the [university] was simply that I shouldn't have been working … I had to get my priorities straight. I was like, "As far as I'm concerned I am getting my priorities right and one of them is that I have to work" (Taylor, 2007, p. 42).

Most individuals are capable of moving upward in social status with a college education, especially when the economy demands highly skilled and educated individuals. Governments emphasize the importance of colleges and universities as a necessary tool in the twenty-first-century marketplace, and offer myriad programs designed to assist in obtaining such an education. However, there clearly remains a number of issues with how working-class women gain access to these programs and how they can sustain themselves while obtaining the education they need to propel themselves into a higher social stratum.

According to a British study, even when they graduate from secondary schools and universities, women tend to take jobs of low- to mid-level significance. Whereas 15 percent of British working-age men occupy high managerial and professional occupations, only about 7 percent of women hold such titles, but 24 percent and 15 percent of women hold lower managerial and intermediate positions, respectively. About 22 percent of British women have never worked or have been unemployed for many years, compared to 15 percent of men (Economic and Social Research Council, 2007). It is clear from this example that, even at the employment level, large gaps remain between genders in terms of social mobility.

Mobility & Race. Mobility is not just a question of educational and therefore economic opportunities. Individuals may seek to move into higher social strata based on the quality of life that is associated with that higher stratum.

In many cases, a move into a different social class is a matter of geography. Some individuals grown up in one kind of neighborhood and only now that way of life. Some may choose to leave in search of a more convenient and agreeable lifestyle. Others seek to escape the dangers of crime and unhealthy conditions, and still others leave for better housing opportunities. In terms of residency, social mobility is an interesting example of the overlap between the personal choice associated with circulation mobility and the environmental conditions that foster structural mobility.

There are also groups of people who would like to move to more agreeable environs but lack the financial means to do so. Members of many racial and ethnic groups are often lifelong residents of their respective neighborhoods, but they remain because they are unable to move (unless the cost of living in that residential area becomes unmanageable and forces them to move elsewhere). Others move but to neighborhoods that are similar in racial and environmental conditions.

A study in early 2008 followed four thousand Chicago families over a seven year period. The results showed that there was very little overlap among white and racial minority neighborhoods in terms of residency and economic strata. In other words, neighborhoods viewed in the study did not change demographically or economically, as minority residents who stay over lifetimes do not experience upward social mobility, and the neighborhoods infrequently welcome new residents of different race. Hence, minority racial groups who are looking for upward social mobility may be hindered by the conditions of the neighborhoods in which they live and from which they cannot easily move (Sampson & Sharkey, 2008).

Data from a 2000 Canadian study supports this theory. In Montreal, the poor comprise nearly 33 percent of the population. Over 44 percent of those impoverished residents are black, and nearly 34 percent are Asian. Overall, Canada's 38 major cities have an average of about 17 percent living below the poverty line. About 24 percent of that figure is black, and nearly 15 percent are of Asian descent. Meanwhile, the number of white residents below the poverty line (those of French and other European lineage) combine for a mere 28 percent of the total number of poor (Fong & Shibuya, 2000).

In terms of upward social mobility, the strides of racial minorities in the United States, specifically African-Americans, are undeniable. More and more African-Americans are getting college degrees and their income averages have increased significantly, particularly since the 1960s. However, a large number of inequities remain prevalent and might have gone unnoticed by many leaders and observers had they not been thrust into the national spotlight.

The horrific events of 2005, when Hurricane Katrina rolled ashore in New Orleans, were tragic in and of themselves, but the scenes were exacerbated by the revelation that the majority of people killed in that area were residents of the Lower Ninth Ward, a low-lying and predominantly black neighborhood that was known locally as an impoverished region. Not many people had cars to escape the rising floodwaters, and emergency response to the Lower Ninth Ward was poor, leaving residents to scramble to their rooftops to escape up to nine feet of polluted water.

African-Americans continue to obtain fewer white-collar jobs than do white residents. Fewer blacks own homes in comparison to whites, and while more African-Americans are employed today than they were a few decades ago, a larger percentage of the jobs they hold are in the public sector. Whereas the United States of half a century ago was a country in which the terms "black" and "white" did not seem to be races but disparate social classes, the America of today is not as flagrant with its segregationist mentality. This is promising, but the data indicates that there are a wide series of issues that must be rectified for African-Americans to experience widespread and significant upward mobility (Katz & Stern, 2008).

Structural Mobility, Race & Gender. Despite the inequities that can create obstacles for individuals of disadvantaged gender and racial groupings, there are structural conditions that may work toward creating more opportunities for social mobility. In fact, an argument can be made that the inequities that exist for women and non-white individuals are more easily quantifiable in a turbulent economy rather than in a stable environment.

Indeed, one study showed that gender-based and racial inequities that are evident in varying industries are often most evident during times of economic contraction (that is, the shrinkage of economic and business opportunities) rather than expansion. In fact, the analysis revealed that, among both white and non-white men, such inequities are more readily and painfully experienced during times when labor market resources are dwindling. The case is somewhat similar for women of varying races, but research is limited on the effects of contraction and expansion on women's social mobility (DiPrete & Nonnemaker, 1997).

Correcting the inequities that impact racial minorities and women and helping these groups to elevate to a higher stratum takes a multi-pronged approach: . political involvement and support as well as economic initiatives combined with individual initiative to seek out and utilize the resources and programs available. Additionally, a healthy economy is one of the best forms of offense against poverty (Sandefur, 1988).

Conclusions. Former Japanese princess Sayoko Kuroda made an unusual social move when she sacrificed her birthright to marry a commoner. Most people dream of ascending to the position she once held, yet her choice provided individual satisfaction.

Regardless of race, gender, religion, ethnicity, or creed, individuals pursue comfort, which often entails the goal of reaching a higher social status. It is this upward mobility that drives millions of people in Western society to receive post-secondary professional and academic training. It is this mobility that also pushes individuals not just to move forward with their educations, but to move their families to more agreeable environments. Upward social mobility takes effort and initiative, taking advantage of every opportunity, program, and service available to a person seeking to get ahead.

Unfortunately, despite a modern world determined to give every person, regardless of his or her social origin, an equal opportunity to move into a higher stratum, the playing field is not completely level. For some social subgroups, access to such programs and services is limited. Race and gender are among the social areas in which this inequity continues to occur.

Terms & Concepts

Circulation Mobility: Social mobility emphasizing upward and downward movements in the aggregates.

Intergenerational Mobility: Social mobility analysis comparing the relative social position of a parent and his or her child.

Intragenerational Mobility: Social mobility gauge based on individual attitude adjustments over his or her lifetime.

Stratum: Level or class applied to social order.

Structural Mobility: Mobility of a society based on institutional or systemic adjustments.

Bibliography

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Race, Gender and Social Mobility

On this Page

Subject Terms

Race, Gender and Social Mobility

Abstract

Overview

Further Insights

Terms & Concepts

Bibliography

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