Kwame Nkrumah

President of Ghana (1960-1966)

• Born: September 21, 1909
• Birthplace: Nkroful, Gold Coast (now Ghana)
• Died: April 27, 1972
• Place of death: Bucharest, Romania

Nkrumah was the first statesman to lead an African country to independence after World War II. As the first major proponent of Pan-Africanism, he gained both continental and international stature. He served as prime minister of the Gold Coast, prime minister of Ghana after its independence, and president of Ghana. After the coup that deposed him, he was named titular copresident of Guinea, a recognition of his status as an international leader and world statesman.

Early Life

The man who would one day be internationally known as Kwame Nkrumah (KWAH-mee uhn-KREW-muh) was born in Nkroful in the British West African colony of Gold Coast. Although he was christened Francis Nwia Kofi, his African name, Kwame, is indicative of the day on which he was born, as was the local custom. Despite the fact that he was his mother’s only child, he grew up in a large family of fourteen people, including children of his father by other wives. Nkrumah’s father was a goldsmith and jeweler; his mother was a retail trader. He was baptized a Roman Catholic, and at his mother’s insistence he attended the nearby Roman Catholic mission schools at Esima and Sekondi-Takoradi. Nkrumah did so well in school that he was sent to the Government Training School in Accra. He was graduated from Achiomota College, where he was trained as a teacher, in 1930 and taught at Catholic junior schools and a seminary until 1935. While at school, Nkrumah met Kwegyir Aggrey, the school’s first African staff member. It was Aggrey who guided Nkrumah’s mind toward the issues to which he would later devote his life. At the same time, another major influence came into Nkrumah’s life. Nnamdi Azikiwe, a Nigerian journalist, who would later become Nigeria’s first president, fired Nkrumah’s enthusiasm for nationalist struggle. He would also have a direct impact on the next phase of Nkrumah’s life. He suggested that Nkrumah attend Lincoln University in the United States. From Lincoln, Nkrumah received a bachelor of arts degree in economics and sociology in 1939, a bachelor of theology degree in 1942, and an honorary law degree in 1951. In addition, Nkrumah received a master’s degree in education from the University of Pennsylvania in 1942 and a master of arts in philosophy from the same school in 1943. He finished all the requirements for the doctoral degree except the dissertation. After having worked his way through school for ten years, exhausted and homesick as well as excited about the political stirrings in Africa and Europe, Nkrumah decided to return to Africa via Europe.

In May of 1945, Nkrumah left the United States for Europe. Landing in England, he decided to continue his studies by enrolling at University College and the London School of Economics, but, having become radicalized politically, abandoned this pursuit to devote his energies full-time to a publication he had founded called The New African.

Moreover, his increasing revolutionary consciousness made the liberation of Ghana specifically and Africa generally his primary goals. Thus, he joined several Pan-African groups in London. Because of his political activities in the United States (where he had been president of the African Students’ Association of North America) and Europe (where he was a leader in the West African National Secretariat), Nkrumah was invited to return to the Gold Coast in 1947 as general-secretary of the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC), the nationalist party popular throughout the land. Nkrumah heeded the call of his people and returned to Ghana.

Life’s Work

When Nkrumah returned to the Gold Coast, the colony was experiencing very bad economic conditions and the social situation was in chaos. These difficulties would eventually help him into power. The main source of these problems rested with the coca tree disease “swollen shoot.” The government considered this a major issue because coca was the main export. The government’s solution to the problem was to cut out the diseased trees to protect the others. Farmers resented this policy because it threatened their whole livelihood. This policy was particularly offensive because the price of coca was rising after a long period of low prices during the 1930’s. The economic result of the government’s farm policies was severe inflation and high prices while wages remained low. In addition, there were other problems associated with the presence of both European and Syrian merchants dominating retail and commercial trade. Moreover, soldiers returning from overseas were disillusioned with the government’s failure to fulfill its promises of better housing and more jobs. Indeed, the government’s failure to pay attention to these issues and the problems they engendered caused the people to resent further the British and their colonial leaders, including the UGCC.

The failure of the older leaders of the UGCC to address these issues and their continued association with the British led Nkrumah to form his own party in June of 1949. Indeed, the Convention People’s Party (CPP) was an attempt by the young leaders, including Nkrumah, seen by the people as the “petit bourgeois,” to overcome the soft and satisfied image of the older elite, which was identified as the “grand bourgeois.” Nkrumah’s charisma, speaking ability, and charm had pulled many people into the UGCC; when he formed his own party, they followed him, as did most of the colony’s activists and local leaders. The CPP elected Nkrumah president and life chair; from that position he stressed West African unity at first and then called for the unity of the entire African continent, or Pan-Africanism. With the UGCC weakened by Nkrumah’s departure, the CPP emerged as the colony’s main political organization. The planks in its political program were indicative of its ability to articulate the hopes and needs of the people. The party’s goals were to achieve“self-government now” as well as to end all forms of oppression and establish a democratic government. The party also called for the complete unity of the colony by ensuring the rights of local chiefs and all ethnic groups. The CPP appealed to workers and soldiers by advocating the interests of the trade union movement as well as the right of the people in the Gold Coast to live and govern themselves. Its final goal, the realization of West African unity, reflected Nkrumah’s Pan-African ideals.

In an effort to coerce the government to accept constitutional reform, the CPP called a general strike in 1948. Nkrumah and the other leaders were arrested. The British allowed an election and used trucks with sound systems to drive about the colony and denounce the CPP. Despite these and other tactics, Nkrumah’s party won thirty-three of thirty-eight seats in the governing body. Thus, he and the leaders were released from jail. In some ways, this election became Nkrumah’s mandate to lead his people to independence. The CPP continued to gain power and popularity under limited British self-government. In his first speech after the election, Nkrumah called himself “a friend of Great Britian” and spoke of the Gold Coast becoming a dominion within the Commonwealth. During this period of limited self-government, internal rivalries caused accusations against Nkrumah and his party. Some called him a communist, others hailed him as a puppet of the British. Nkrumah was in a difficult position as he tried to work with the British while keeping the trust and support of his people. Nkrumah continued to enjoy the support of the youth groups and the military as well as many local factions. He appealed to the Africans because he continued to remind them of their own glorious history and their dignity.

Nkrumah’s rise to power was swift. After a second arrest and imprisonment in 1950, he rose from leader of government business to prime minister. While still prime minister in the British colonial government, Nkrumah made his date with destiny when he called for the independence of the Gold Coast within the British commonwealth on July 10, 1953. Nkrumah would serve as prime minister for the Gold Coast from 1952 to 1957 and then of Ghana from 1957 to 1960. He changed the name of the colony to Ghana in an attempt to move away from British influences and English titles. In 1957, he married Fathia Halen Ritzk, and the couple eventually had three children. In 1960, he became president of the independent republic and was granted the title ossaggeto, which means redeemer.

Having achieved the independence of Ghana, his first political goal, Nkrumah turned his energies toward a second major issue, the unity of Africa. In April of 1958, he convened a conference of eight states, and from this group, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was born. In turning his attentions away from the problems of Ghana, Nkrumah let too much responsibility be taken by his ministers. In turn, several of his closest friends had to be dismissed for corruption, graft, and mismanagement. In addition, there were demonstrations by the soldiers, displeasure at his policies in the farming sector, and ethnic tensions. The people of Ghana were so displeased that they formed an organization, Ghana Shifimo, to address their concerns. The group’s inception was unlawful, and its threatened violence and bombing of indiscriminate areas presented major problems. Nkrumah’s reponse was repression. He had its leaders detained under the Preventive Detention Act of 1958. By 1960, more than 318 detention orders had been issued, and this act was extended to the Ghana Shifimo.

Many people believed that Nkrumah had responded properly to the growing violence, social unrest, bombings, and assassination attempts on his life. Others believed that he had lost touch with the people. Frustrated and depressed, Nkrumah withdrew more and more from public life. Much of the political unrest was the result of general dissatisfaction with the CPP and its monopoly on power. In dismissing some of his ministers, Nkrumah addressed some of the people’s complaints; however, the task of bringing a colony into the world body of nations as a free and equal partner proved harder than Nkrumah had realized. Ghana was independent, but it was not free of the problems of nationhood.

When Ghana first became independent, its economy was strong. As in times before, it relied heavily on the export of coca. In his attempt to make Ghana more self-sufficient, Nkrumah forced farmers to diversify their crops. The growing unhappiness with his farm policies, a chronic shortage of trained personnel, and the breakdown of the traditional British civil service all undermined many of his reforms. The decline in the world price of coca, large-scale smuggling, and the recently minted cedi, Ghana’s currency, which had no attachment to the international standard, combined to make Ghana unable to pay its debts to various international bodies. This caused Ghana additional problems, and cries of incompetence and mismanagement arose. In some ways, Nkrumah was the appropriate person to lead his African country to independence; however, many speculate that he was not the best choice to handle the day-to-day operations of a fragile government.

On February 24, 1966, a long-planned military coup deposed Nkrumah. At the time, Nkrumah was in North Vietnam attempting to create a peaceful solution to the conflict there. Many speculate that he was aware of the coup before he left Ghana. He was deliberately out of the country both to avoid what would have been a very bloody civil war and to protect his good name and international stature. In some ways, he let the coup occur in recognition of his failure to address the problem of a crumbling economy and massive unrest as well as political turmoil over his increasingly repressive measures. After the coup was announced, Nkrumah continued his travels throughout the Eastern bloc and accepted exile in Conakry, Guinea, where President Ahmed Sékou Touré named him copresident in a gesture of solidarity and in recognition of his status as the redeemer not only of Ghana but also of much of Africa.

Significance

Kwame Nkrumah was an international statesman, politician, and philosopher. He was a visionary who led a nation and influenced a continent toward independence. His two main goals were the independence of Ghana and the liberation of Africa. At some level he was able to achieve both. Nkrumah was a very intelligent and articulate man who was able to formulate a strategy that was appropriate for both the time and place to achieve his lifelong goals. His insistence on nonviolent civil disobedience as well as his appeal to the righteousness of political freedom for African people were good tactics in the context of the colonial regime. Like most great statesmen, Nkrumah appeared to be the right man for the right time. In some ways he was profoundly affected by the injustices he witnessed as a small child while the British controlled his people. His intelligence and willingness to leave home and study in the United States and Europe made him ripe for the roles he would later occupy in life. His vast knowledge and his reading of a variety of political philosophies were to become the tools he used to orchestrate his people’s independence. Nkrumah was a farsighted man who brought free education, health care, and other social services to his nation. In addition, he repaired the physical infrastructure of roads, bridges, and dams in an attempt to assist Ghana in claiming its place among the modern nations in the world. His most important role was his insistence on the unity of Africa and the creation of the OAU. His basic philosophies and approach became a model for the rest of emerging Africa and the globe. In many ways, he is the founder of modern political struggle.

Bibliography

Ames, Sophia Ripley. Nkrumah of Ghana. New York: Rand McNally, 1961. This short biography contains interesting anecdotes about and insights into the personal side of Nkrumah, the statesman and politician. It also looks at the development of his philosophy.

Botwe-Asamoah, Kwame. Kwame Nkrumah’s Politico-Cultural Thought and Policies: An African-Centered Paradigm for the Second Phase of the African Revolution. New York: Routledge, 2005. Examines Nkrumah’s political philosophy and policies, which were centered on the culture and needs of Africans, and offers these ideas and policies as a model for a postindependent Africa.

Bretton, Henry L. The Rise and Fall of Kwame Nkrumah: A Study of Personal Rule in Africa. New York: Praeger, 1966. This work presents a rather critical look at both the personal and political Nkrumah. The author examines what he calls Nkrumah’s “political machine” and the effects of his personality cult on the government and politics of Ghana.

Nkrumah, Kwame. Africa Must Unite. New York: International Press, 1963. In this work, Nkrumah discusses African history and the evolution of its distinct political institutions. Nkrumah also gives insight into the governmental systems of Ghana and other African nations. He examines how colonialism affected Africa negatively and asserts that Ghana will redeem the entire continent.

‗‗‗‗‗‗‗. The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah. Edinburgh, Scotland: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1957. In this balanced and expressive autobiography, Nkrumah presents in detail his life from birth to the declaration of Ghana’s independence. It also gives much insight into the various local and international personalities who admired both the man for his charisma and the politician for his skill.

‗‗‗‗‗‗‗. Revolutionary Path. New York: International Press, 1973. This work was compiled during the last two years of the author’s life. It was written as a result of a request for a single book that would contain documents relating to the development of Nkrumah’s thoughts. It is very informative for understanding Nkrumah’s political motivations and his vision for Africa.

Omari, T. Peter. Kwame Nkrumah: The Anatomy of an African Dictatorship. New York: Africana, 1970. This work looks at the rise and fall of Nkrumah as well as critiques his use of power and the treatment of his political adversaries.

Poe, D. Zizwe. Kwame Nkrumah’s Contribution to Pan-Africanims: An Afrocentric Analysis. New York: Routledge, 2003. Analyzes Nkrumah’s contributions to the Pan-African movement from the 1945 Pan-African Congress until the overthrow of his government in 1966.

Powell, Erica. Private Secretary (Female)/Gold Coast. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1984. This is a unique biography of Nkrumah written by the white female British private secretary who worked for Nkrumah for more than a decade. She brings to her story the insight of a loyal assistant and the criticisms of a trusted friend. It has interesting personal anecdotes and political insights about Nkrumah and the people he knew.

Rooney, David. Kwame Nkrumah: The Political Kingdom in the Third World. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1988. This work is the story of Nkrumah’s life from birth to death. The author’s goal is to provide an objective account of Nkrumah’s life in view of recent developments in Africa and the history of Ghana. It presents a detailed discussion of the complex cultural, psychological, sociological as well as political factors that influenced Nkrumah’s development.