Elections in the United States: 1940

The Event Elections for federal and state offices that saw Franklin D. Roosevelt win an unprecedented third term as president

Date November 5, 1940

In a presidential election revolving around the American response to the tensions of World War II in Europe and Asia, Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt won reelection to an unprecedented third consecutive term, defeating Republican Wendell Willkie. Voters retained an experienced president they had known through eight years of the Depression, reform, and international tensions, and the Democrats easily kept control of both houses of Congress.

World War II tensions formed the background for the 1940 presidential and congressional elections. American economic problems had overshadowed foreign policy in the 1932 and 1936 presidential elections. The German attack on Poland in September, 1939, shifted American attention from the Depression to the outbreak of World War II. The nation gradually moved from neutrality and isolationism to internationalism, sparking a fierce congressional and public debate over military aid to the Allies, short of war. Roosevelt originally had not planned to seek a third term, respecting the two-term tradition dating back to George Washington, and it is unclear when he changed his mind. The expanding European crisis in 1940, especially the fall of France, convinced him that the United States should not change leadership in midstream. He did not announce his candidacy officially but expected the Democratic Party convention delegates to draft him.

The Political Conventions

France fell to Germany just two days before the Republican Party convention in Philadelphia in June. The Republican delegates were deadlocked for several ballots between Senator Robert A. Taft of Ohio, an adamant isolationist, and governor Thomas Dewey of New York. In perhaps the most dramatic, improbable surprise in American presidential politics since the Democratic nomination of Horace Greeley in 1872, the Republicans on the sixth ballot selected forty-eight-year-old Wendell Willkie of Indiana, the head of a public utilityholding company, a former Democrat, and a political novice. Willkie had fought Roosevelt’s Tennessee Valley Authority over the use of public power, but he backed most New Deal social legislation. He was a devout internationalist, supporting arms embargo repeal and American aid to Great Britain. Willkie selected Senator Charles McNary of Oregon as his running mate. Party leaders disliked Willkie, but he compensated for his political inexperience by being personable, enthusing younger followers, and portraying brash confidence.

Roosevelt, meanwhile, named two prominent Republicans to the cabinet on June 20. Frank Knox, a Chicago newspaper publisher, was selected as secretary of the Navy, while Henry Stimson, former secretary of state, was designated secretary of war. The appointments indicated Roosevelt’s intention to seek bipartisan consensus in a time of crisis and split Republicans on aid to Great Britain, weakening the isolationists and Willkie. Roosevelt remained at the White House while Democrats gathered for their convention on July 15 in Chicago, choosing to respond at a distance to the expected call for his candidacy.

The presiding officer read a statement from Roosevelt freeing the delegates to vote for whomever they wished. Mayor Edward Kelly, the local Democratic Party boss, orchestrated a pro-Roosevelt floor demonstration, shouting through a microphone, “We want Roosevelt.” The delegates, alarmed by the growing world crisis, drafted Roosevelt on the first ballot. Roosevelt’s selection of his running mate sparked controversy— Henry A. Wallace, a former progressive Republican, liberal reformer, staunch New Dealer, and secretary of agriculture. Conservative delegates distrusted Wallace and considered rebellion. Roosevelt threatened to withdraw his name from consideration if the delegates rejected Wallace. Harry Hopkins and Eleanor Roosevelt persuaded disgruntled delegates to support Wallace.

The Fall Campaign

The presidential campaign revolved largely around foreign policy, but Willkie’s internationalist sentiments and the Knox-Stimson appointments neutralized it as an issue for most of the campaign. Roosevelt and Willkie both backed the Selective Service Act of 1940, the nation’s first peacetime draft. Roosevelt engineered the destroyers-for-bases deal, sending forty-three ships to the British Royal Navy and seven more to the Canadian Royal Navy, in exchange for British naval bases in the Western Hemisphere. Willkie mildly criticized Roosevelt for not giving the public sufficient time to debate the deal but assailed the bypassing of Congress as an arbitrary, dictatorial action. Willkie painted the Republican Party as the party of peace, inferred that Roosevelt wanted to get the United States involved in another foreign war, and attempted to link the New Deal with European totalitarianism. He labeled Roosevelt ambitious and authoritarian, portraying him as “the third term candidate.” Willkie lost his poise in late October and showed increased political desperation, sharply criticizing Republican isolationists. He dropped the civility that had marked his early campaign statements, denouncing Roosevelt as a warmonger and vowing not to send American soldiers to Europe again.

The endorsements of Willkie by aviator Charles Lindbergh and United Mine Workers president John L. Lewis, coupled with the warmongering charge, shook Roosevelt’s camp. Roosevelt stayed in the White House for most of the campaign, appearing presidential and statesmanlike. He joined the campaign trail, however, in late October when polls indicated that Willkie was gaining ground. Roosevelt reminded Boston voters on October 30 that Willkie belonged to the same party as isolationist representatives Joe Martin, Bruce Barton, and Hamilton Fish, and he worked the enthusiastic Democratic crowd with the chant “Martin, Barton, and Fish.” He pledged, “Your boys are not going to be sent into any foreign war” and omitted a qualifying phrase he had used previously, indicating that the country would fight if attacked.

Roosevelt’s pledge to remain out of war did not ultimately determine the election outcome. By election day, many voters had concluded that the United States would be drawn into war and preferred an experienced Roosevelt to lead them. Roosevelt reminded radio audiences in numerous cities that British weapons purchases had helped increase employment by 3.5 million since 1937 and had reduced the U.S. unemployment rate to 14.6 percent.

Roosevelt Wins Reelection

Roosevelt decisively won reelection, with 449 electoral votes to Willkie’s 82. He triumphed by nearly 5 million votes (his narrowest winning margin yet), receiving 27.2 million popular votes to 22.3 million for Willkie. Roosevelt attracted 54.7 percent of the popular vote, less than his 57.4 percent in 1932 and 60.8 percent in 1936, and half a million fewer votes than in 1936. Willkie fared considerably better against Roosevelt than either Herbert Hoover in 1932 or Alf Landon in 1936, polling 5 million more votes than the latter. He carried 1,147 counties nationally, compared to only 459 for Landon.

The Democrats retained most of their urban support, as Roosevelt took every city with a population of more than 400,000 except Cincinnati. His plurality in New York City helped carry the Empire State, while Chicago gave him the measure of victory in Illinois, Cleveland in Ohio, and Milwaukee in Wisconsin. The swing of Polish American and Jewish voters, considered to be particularly vehement in hatred of Adolf Hitler, helped Roosevelt. City workers resoundingly backed Roosevelt, endorsing his labor and reform policies. Roosevelt won despite the defection of The New York Times, the Cleveland Plain Dealer, the Scripps-Howard newspaper chain, and other newspapers that had supported him in 1936. Willkie prevailed in just ten states, carrying the traditional Republican strongholds of Maine and Vermont, politically important Michigan and Indiana, and six western wheat and corn states—North Dakota, South Dakota, Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas, and Colorado. Willkie also fared well in areas with significant numbers of voters of Italian, German, or Irish birth or ancestry.

The Democrats still held a sizable majority in both the Senate and the House. They added 5 seats to their House majority, giving them 267 seats. The Republicans received fewer votes in the House races than in the presidential contest, dropping 7 seats to finish with 162. The Democrats lost 3 Senate seats but retained 66 and a two-thirds majority. The Republicans made a net gain of 5 senators, for a total of 28. Republicans received fewer votes in the House races than in the presidential contest. Seventeen Republican governors were elected in 34 state contests for a net gain of 2, but the Democrats still held the majority there as well.

Impact

With solid party majorities in both houses of Congress, Roosevelt—and the internationalists—controlled decision making. They still argued that American assistance to Allied nations would strengthen the defense of Western Europe and would help deter Hitler from invading the Western Hemisphere. The legislative branch in 1941 approved the Lend-Lease Act authorizing the president to sell, transfer, lend, or lease arms, equipment, and supplies to Great Britain and other allies. It also revised the 1939 Neutrality Act, authorizing Roosevelt to arm American merchant ships carrying supplies to belligerent European ports. Following the sudden Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, Congress almost unanimously approved a war against Japan and thus sanctioned direct American involvement in World War II. Roosevelt and Willkie became political allies soon after the election. Willkie supported the administration’s foreign policy and acted as a wartime emissary for Roosevelt, promoting political bipartisanship and national unity. Since Roosevelt, no president has served more than two terms. The Twenty-second Amendment, limiting later presidents to two terms in office, was passed by Congress on March 21, 1947, and ratified by the states on February 27, 1951.

Bibliography

Burke, Robert F. “The Election of 1940.” In History of American Presidential Elections, 1789-1968, edited by Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. Vol. 3. New York: Chelsea House, 1971. Describes the background to the 1940 presidential election, the Republican and Democratic Party conventions, the fall campaign, and the November elections, highlighting how foreign policy issues impacted the outcome.

Burns, James MacGregor. Roosevelt: The Soldier of Freedom. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1970. Second of a two-part Roosevelt biography that adeptly analyzes Roosevelt’s political leadership and his approach toward critical foreign policy issues.

Donahoe, Bernard F. Private Plans and Public Dangers: The Story of FDR’s Third Nomination. Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1965. Contends that the struggle between conservative and liberal Democrats from 1937 and 1940, not World War II, was the primary influence behind Roosevelt’s choice to seek a third term in 1940. Argues that Roosevelt did not want to surrender party and national leadership to those he regarded as too conservative.

Moscow, Warren. Roosevelt and Willkie. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968. Details the political contest between Roosevelt and Willkie, Willkie’s surge in 1940, and his victory at the Republican convention. It provides a detailed description and astute analysis of the political and social situation in 1940.

Neal, Steve. Dark Horse: A Biography of Wendell Willkie. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1989. Stresses Willkie’s support of aid to the Allies, in contrast to Republican isolationists, and notes his personality, energy, and drive.

Parmet, Herbert S., and Marie B. Hecht. Never Again: A President Runs for a Third Term. New York: Macmillan, 1968. Points out the uniqueness of the 1940 presidential election, in which the Republicans chose an unorthodox candidate in an unusual manner and Roosevelt became the only president to run for a third consecutive term.

Peters, Charles. Five Days in Philadelphia. New York: Public Affairs, 2005. Shows that the five action-packed days of the Republican convention in Philadelphia produced the unlikeliest of presidential candidates in Willkie and argues that the selection of a nonisolationist candidate enabled Roosevelt to prepare the United States adequately for involvement in World War II.