Theodor Herzl

Austrian Zionist

• Born: May 2, 1860
• Birthplace: Pest, Austro-Hungarian Empire (now Budapest, Hungary)
• Died: July 3, 1904
• Place of death: Edlach, Austria

Often called the founder of modern Zionism, Herzl expounded on the need for a Jewish homeland and created an effective organizational framework for this political movement. His diplomatic missions to secure a Jewish state lent worldwide credibility to early Zionism and contributed to the future establishment of Israel.

Early Life

Theodor Herzl (HEHR-tsehl) was born into a Jewish family, which—like many other Jewish families of its time and place—had confused notions about its cultural heritage. Herzl’s grandfather, Simon Loeb Herzl, adhered to traditional religious observance, while his two brothers converted to Christianity. A successful businessperson and banker, Theodor’s father, Jacob, hewed a middle line: He remained a culturally assimilated Jew. As the young Herzl approached his thirteenth year, his parents announced a “confirmation” rather than a “bar mitzvah.” Thus, Theodor made the passage into Jewish manhood.

The city of Pest (which merged with Buda in 1872 to become Budapest) similarly polarized its residents into either the Hungarian or the German cultural camp. Nationalism was only beginning to stir Europe. With a respect for what she deemed the more refined and cosmopolitan culture, Jeannette Herzl inculcated in her son a love of German language and literature.

Herzl began his formal education at the age of six, attending a bilingual (German and Hungarian) parochial school, the Israelitische Normalhauptschule. In 1869, he moved to a municipal technical institute, where he could pursue his alleged proclivities for the sciences. During the course of four years, however, Herzl found himself motivated only by the humanities. He even initiated and presided over a literary society, an activity that foretold both his journalistic interests and his leadership drive. The anti-Semitic remarks of a teacher finally hastened Herzl’s departure from the institute.

After these early educational experiments, the young Herzl at last entered the Evangelical Gymnasium, a nondenominational academy with a largely Jewish student body, which emphasized German culture and classical learning. He proved to be committed to his writing and, while still in secondary school, published a political article in the Viennese weekly Leben, and book reviews for the Pest Journal. As Herzl neared graduation, his only sibling, an elder sister, Pauline, died of typhoid fever. The Herzls moved to Vienna one week later. Theodor returned to Budapest in June to complete his examinations, then entered the University of Vienna’s law school.

Law school proved to be rather routine, except for one incident. Herzl joined Albia, a fraternity at the University of Vienna. When the organization endorsed a memorial rally—with strong anti-Semitic overtones—for the composer Richard Wagner, Herzl issued a vehement protest letter and offered his resignation. Albia responded by expelling him. Herzl received his law degree in 1884. He was admitted to the Vienna bar and subsequently worked for criminal and civil courts. A year after commencing his legal practice, he left law altogether, finally choosing a writer’s life.

Perhaps Herzl most vigorously aspired to be a playwright. Though one of his works made it to the German-language stage in New York, critics generally judged his plays mediocre. He achieved far greater success writing feuilletons, observations of the various people, places, and characteristics defining late nineteenth century life. Summer travels, heavily subsidized by the elder Herzls, also yielded articles for the vaunted Neue Freie Presse. With his career advancing, Herzl married Julie Naschauer, an attractive young woman from a prosperous Jewish family. The union was to produce three children—and numerous difficulties. Thought to have had emotional problems, Julie probably also clashed with her domineering mother-in-law. Herzl’s prolonged absences only exacerbated the situation.

Life’s Work

Herzl, now married and in his thirties, received a professional assignment that, in its own way, was to change his life. October, 1891, brought a telegram from the Neue Freie Presse: The paper’s editors wanted Herzl to serve as Paris correspondent. For the rest of his days, he remained affiliated with the journal. Herzl’s locus, Paris, stood at the nucleus of late nineteenth century culture, and as a writer, he developed from a feuilletonist into a journalist. With the trial of Captain Alfred Dreyfus, however, he also added a new element to his restless personality.

Dreyfus, a Jew, had been accused by the French government of treason. Perhaps the most egregious aspect of the 1894 trial was the virulent, far-flung anti-Semitism that it invoked. True to journalistic ethics, Herzl did not debate Dreyfus’s guilt or innocence; rather, he reported on the less-than-humane treatment meted out to the captain in this most civilized of Western European nations. As a result of the Dreyfus trial and a resurgence of anti-Semitism across the continent, Jewish issues emerged in Herzl’s writings, thoughts, and, most important, actions. Mid-1895 marked the initiation of his Zionist career.

Preparing for visits with millionaire Jewish philanthropists Baron Moritz Hirsch and members of the Rothschild family, Herzl crystallized and committed to paper his developing ideas about a Jewish state. The meetings did not go well. As some scholars note, the philanthropists dwelled on charity; Herzl instead pondered nationhood as a self-help mechanism for the Jewish people. The notes that Herzl prepared for these visits, however, subsequently appeared in a revised, printed form. Der Judenstaat (1896; A Jewish State , 1896) became both the inspiration of and the primer for a fledgling Zionist movement.

Herzl’s booklet identified Jews as a people, rather than merely as a religious group. Moreover, it indicated that the absence of a homeland denied Jews the status enjoyed by other nations. Even those attracted to the more tolerant Western European countries, for example, could only assimilate and advance to a certain point before their increasing numbers and greater visibility would provoke anti-Semitism. Eastern European Jews lived in a constant state of racially based poverty and repression. Herzl concluded that statehood would “liberate the world by our freedom” and allow Jews—both individually and collectively—to realize higher goals.

These themes were not new, but Herzl added articulation and administrative structure to them. Small, loosely organized groups, Hoveve Zion, already had initiated isolated migrations to Palestine. Herzl argued, however, that without the existence of an autonomous state, a Jewish presence could easily kindle anti-Semitism. In order to advance nationhood, A Jewish State proposed a political/moral “Society of Jews” and a “Jewish Company,” capable of conducting economic activities and land acquisition. Herzl suggested both Palestine and sparsely populated, fertile Argentina as possible sites for the homeland.

Reactions to A Jewish State varied. Comfortable Western European Jews believed that they had been granted adequate civil liberties and that Herzl’s concept of nationhood might only raise anti-Semitic furor. Much to their discomfort, “Jewish unity” also linked them with their impoverished, ill-educated brethren in Russia and other countries. However, Herzl did find an audience. His backers included intellectuals, students, and many eastern European Jews for whom assimilation proved impossible and for whom misery was a way of life. With increasing fervor and occasional encouragement, he commenced publication of Die Welt (the world), the movement’s premier communications vehicle. Supporters also urged their leader to organize a world conference in Basel, Switzerland. On August 29, 1897, the first Zionist Congress met, attracting 197 delegates. An organizational statement was adopted, membership goals and fees set, and a committee structure devised. A total of six Zionist conferences would convene during Herzl’s lifetime. Each drew more delegates, media participation, and, sometimes, controversy.

In the interim, Herzl traveled through Europe, seeking diplomatic support for an automonous Jewish state. He financed his own trips, just as he underwrote the publication of Die Welt. The money came from his salary; by late 1895, the Neue Freie Presse had promoted him to literary editor. Journalistic renown may have opened diplomatic doors, but Herzl’s demeanor won for him converts among heads of state. He was an impeccable dresser; his proud stance and trim profile added greatly to his five-foot, eight-inch frame. However, the perfect manners and piercing, dark good looks belied ill health. Maintaining a demanding job, filling every spare minute with political activity, and balancing family finances with those of his organization slowly weakened an already ailing heart.

If Herzl was to grow weary by the failure actually to procure a Jewish homeland, his persistence lent Zionism global credibility. He eventually obtained audiences with the German kaiser Wilhelm II; Russian ministers Count Sergei Yulievich Witte and Vyacheslav Pleve; Pope Pius X; British ministers Neville Chamberlain, David Lloyd George, and Arthur James Balfour; Sultan Abdul Hamid II; and Italian king Victor Emanuel III. His approach was pragmatic: Sometimes he presented the Jewish state as a neutral, autonomous buffer in a region that would change radically after the inevitable collapse of the Ottoman Turkish Empire; on other occasions, he suggested that Zionism might help European countries alleviate “Jewish problems,” anti-Semitic hatred, and the internal discord it evoked. Diplomatic efforts, however, were directed mainly at Turkey and England. The former was a rapidly deteriorating power, with a huge territory to administer and an equally large foreign debt. Turkey also held Palestine.

The Jewish Colonial Trust had been established by the second Zionist Congress for the purpose of generating funds to purchase land. Now Herzl sought an acquisition. He told the sultan that a sale of Palestine would boost the sagging Turkish economy. Furthermore, the Jewish settlers would bring new commerce to the empire and remain faithful to the Ottomans in the face of adversaries. However appealing the financial aid, Turkey refused to grant the Zionists a fair measure of autonomy. Negotiations broke in 1902.

Great Britain, on the other hand, had internal problems. With a reputation for political tolerance, it attracted eastern European Jews fleeing repression. British leaders became concerned about limited jobs and other domestic issues; they sought to restrict Jewish immigration. While the debate proceeded, the British offered Herzl El Arish, in the Sinai peninsula, but irrigation and other problems barred the agreement. Then, in the wake of the Kishinev pogrom, which killed forty-five Jews and precipitated an outpouring of worldwide sympathy, the British suggested a Zionist charter for Uganda.

Herzl took the proposal to the sixth Zionist Congress in 1903. He explained that East Africa merely represented an interim step to Palestine. The congress voted, narrowly, to send a delegation to Uganda, but the powerful Russian delegation—fresh from the Kishinev pogrom—refused to accept anything resembling a territorial substitute and stormed out of the session. The Russian group presented Herzl with a leadership ultimatum several months later. Tremendously hurt, he nevertheless proved somewhat successful in ending the dispute. Herzl also continued on his diplomatic missions until halted by a severe heart attack in May, 1904. Ordered to rest, he became more sedentary but constantly accepted work and visits from his supporters. Pneumonia set in, further aggravating his heart condition. Herzl died on July 3, 1904, at the resort of Edlach, Austria. His remains were moved to the new state of Israel in 1949.

Significance

Theodor Herzl came to his mission relatively unaware of contemporary Zionist philosophy or Jewish issues in general. However, he left many astute prophecies. Following the first Zionist Congress, he wrote, “I founded the Jewish State. If I were to say this today, I would be met by universal laughter. In five years, perhaps, and certainly in fifty, everyone will see it.”

Israel came into being fifty years and three months after Herzl committed these visions to his diary. The connection, however, is far more direct. While the Uganda episode almost divided the fledgling Zionist movement and hastened Herzl’s own death, it enabled him to establish relations with Lloyd George and Balfour, two British leaders responsible for the 1917 Balfour Declaration mandating Jewish settlement in Palestine.

Herzl’s novel Altneuland (1902; Old-New Land , 1941) introduces the reader to a utopian state, circa 1923. The book describes conditions that were to inspire Israel’s settlers: a desolate land transformed through agricultural technology; modern, gleaming cities; and a progressive social system. Most telling, however, the title page bears an inscription: “If you will it, it is no dream.”

Bibliography

Bien, Alex. Theodore Herzl. Translated by Maurice Samuels. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1945. This sympathetic general biography views Herzl as an exemplary, independent, and selfless leader whose Zionist organization strongly advanced democratic participation while abiding by an ordered structure.

Elon, Amos. Herzl. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1975. Drawing heavily on archival material made accessible since the release of Bien’s work, this book presents Herzl, the sensitive journalist, sometime playwright, and driven activist, who infused a sense of drama into statecraft.

Herzl, Theodor. Theodor Herzl: A Portrait for This Age. Edited by Ludwig Lewisohn. Cleveland: World, 1955. The book uses Herzl’s writings to show the personal conflicts behind the Zionist leader. An interesting psychological study, employing historical analysis and assessment of the subject’s literary career.

Kornberg, Jacques. Theodor Herzl: From Assimilation to Zionism. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993. Intellectual biography examining Herzl’s life from 1878 to 1896, focusing on how and why he became a Zionist.

Lacquer, Walter. A History of Zionism. New York: Schocken Books, 1972. Perhaps the most authoritative source on Zionism. Lacquer devotes fifty pages exclusively to Herzl. Excellent chronological overview of the subject’s politics, diplomatic efforts, and organizational endeavors, with a fine summary of A Jewish State, his most influential work. The book includes a concise, useful bibliography, a glossary, and six maps.

Neumann, Emanuel. Theodor Herzl: The Birth of Jewish Statesmanship. New York: Herzl Press, 1960. Unfailingly sympathetic in its depiction of Herzl, this brief work proves most valuable when discussing the philosophical differences between the practical Zionists, seeking colonization or infiltration into Palestine, and the political Zionists, who focused their efforts on securing an independent, autonomous homeland. Contains a timetable.

Patai, Raphael, ed. Herzl Year Book. Vol. 3. New York: Herzl Press, 1960. Twenty-one scholars address little-known aspects of Herzl’s life, gather reminiscences, argue the merits of his political and diplomatic involvements, and reflect upon his legacies. Part of a six-volume set, this collection is designed for those who want to research more specific Herzelian issues.

Robertson, Ritchie, and Edward Timms, eds. Theodor Herzl and the Origins of Zionism. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1997. Essays examining numerous aspects of Herzl’s career, including his relations with his Viennese contemporaries, his negotiations with Germany and Britain to acquire land for a Jewish homeland, and his attempts to reshape Jewish identity in his fictional writings.

Shimoni, Gideon, and Robert S. Wistrich, eds. Theodor Herzl: Visionary of the Jewish State. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1999. Esays examining Herzl’s Zionist visions and ideas.