Arab immigrants

SIGNIFICANCE: Christian and Muslim Arab immigrants from the Middle East and North Africainitially drawn to the United States by economic opportunitieshave both assimilated into and remained distinct from mainstream American culture, creating a distinctive literary and ethnic identity and working to address stereotypes and prejudices arising from the unfamiliarity of Middle Eastern peoples in the United States.

Tracing the historical presence of Arab immigrants during various periods of their arrival in the United States raises questions of cultural complexity and religious diversity, as well as problems of identification. During the early years of the first major period of immigrationwhich lasted from 1881 to 1914the US Bureau of Immigration did not use standard terminology to identify from what parts of the Ottoman Empire Arab immigrants originated. Instead, the bureau used such labels as Greeks, Turks, Armenians, Ottomans, and Syrians. After 1899, the bureau simply labeled all Arab immigrants as "Syrians."

Early Immigrants

The initial wave of immigration brought roughly 110,000 Arabic speakers to the United States before World War I (1914–1918). A second, much smaller, number entered between 1920 and 1924, when passage of a new federal immigration act set a quota on Arab immigrants. The 1924 law represented a shift in American opinion away from the open immigration policies of the earlier eralimiting the entry of members of designated ethnic or national origin groups to two percent of the numbers of those groups who had been counted in the 1890 US census. This had the practical effect of further limiting the number of immigrants from Arab lands who could qualify for admissionthe bulk of immigrants to the United States before 1890 had come from northern Europe.

The first Arabic speakers to arrive in the United States were Christians from Lebanon. Higher percentages of Muslim immigrants arrived during the next major period of Arab immigrationfrom the early 1950s to the mid-1960s. Another increase came after the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965which abolished the quota system. The Arab countries that contributed the greatest numbers of immigrants after 1965 were Egypt, Morocco, Yemen, Jordan, and Iraq.

The first Arab immigrants generally settled in the urban areas of the Northeast and Midwest of the United Statesforming their own ethnic neighborhoods. By the beginning of World War II, they had established major presences in New York City, Boston, and Detroit. Their economic profile was both as members of the industrial workforce and independent businesspeople who traveled widely in search of customers for their lines of household goods or other products.

The second wave of Arab immigrantsduring the 1950sbrought a significant number of professional people seeking better conditions. Their numbers were augmented by university students who chose to remain in the United States and followed employment opportunities to new homesoften creating an Arab presence where none had been before. The third waveafter 1965contained a mixture of skilled and unskilled workers, many fleeing civil strife or instability in their homelands. However, equal numbers simply sought better lives for themselves and their families. The third stream of Arab immigration contributed most of the visible face of Arab America known to the rest of the United States.

Acceptance and Exclusion

All three waves of Arab immigrants initially encountered a variety of prejudicial attitudes beyond those associated with belonging to any group of newcomers to America working to establish themselves. The initial group from Syria and Lebanon entered the United States at a time when nativism was widespread and a cultural imperative on making all immigrants assimilate completely into white Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) society was in vogue.

The newcomers were viewed as suspect for multiple reasons. Not only were they foreign born with limited English proficiency, they also were often comparatively dark skinned, often unskilled, and members of either the Roman Catholic or the Eastern Orthodox faiths. Their village backgrounds, family loyalties, and relatively small numbers worked to preclude the establishment of a distinct and visible Arab ethnic segment of the population similar to the process undergone by such groups as Italian immigrantswhose own provincial origins took second place to their identification with their native country. The question of Arab eligibility for admission as American citizens proved contentious after 1910 due to federal government restrictions on Arab immigration. However, a series of successful lawsuits filed between 1910 and 1923 by members of what was loosely known as the "Syrian" community eventually established Arabs were to be considered eligible for American citizenship.

Civil Rights and Stereotypes

The predominantly Muslim Arab immigrants who arrived during the 1950s and early 1960s usually arrived with greater economic resources and higher levels of professional education than the members of the first wave had possessed. They were also far less flexible in blending with American society than their Christian Arab predecessors. They preferred to retain their allegiance to Islam and remained engaged in Middle Eastern political issues. Mainstream American general opinion toward Arab immigrants altered sharply following the Six-Day War of June 1967in which the American ally Israel fought several of its Arab neighbors. After a series of highly publicized airline hijackings by Middle Eastern groups, US President Richard M. Nixon issued an executive order in September 1972 that was intended to prevent terrorists from gaining entrance to the United States. His order authorized special measures against Arabs, ranging from the imposition of restrictions on their entry and ability to apply for permanent resident status to surveillance of community organizations under the code name Operation Boulder.

The fact that no incidents of terrorist activity connected with the Arab American community had occurred raised questions about the necessity of the president’s measure. However, the situation was further complicated by the subsequent oil embargo and the sharp rise in petroleum prices imposed by the Arab-dominated Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) following the conclusion of another Arab-Israeli War in October, 1973. Before these developments, Arab Americans had drawn little public attention in the United States. However, these events prompted a cultural redefinition of what it meant to belong to this community. No distinction was made in political language or mass media journalism to reflect the actual diversity of the contemporary Arab world, publicly cast as made up of vicious terrorists intent on destroying America, fanatical religious leaders—no matter which sect of Islam—and unscrupulous businesspeople. These Arab American stereotypes were based partly on international political realities but were widely disseminated within the United States, unrelieved by positive characterizations of Arabic speakers in American culture.

The presence of such inaccurate images contributed to a sense of social marginality among Arab Americans that has been addressed in several ways. While some Arab immigrants have made complete breaks with their home cultures and adopted American lifestyles and values, others stress their uniqueness to distance themselves from being associated with a particular Arab nation or withdraw into ethnic communitiesfollowing the pattern of earlier arrivals.

A third response has been to confront stereotypes directly by stressing points of commonality between Islamic and American culture by calling attention to common emphases on strong families and beliefs held by both Muslims and Christians. Although the history of Arab immigrant civil rights activism can be said to begin with the protest by a delegation representing the Association of Syrian Unity to the federal government during the citizenship disputes before World War I, most such groups came into being during the 1980s. Perhaps ironically, the success of Arab Americans in adapting to mainstream culture during the earlier part of the twentieth century had the unexpected result of isolating them from the issues of the civil rights movement of the 1960s. The largest civil rights organization countering stereotypes and misinformation about the Arab communities has been the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee. Founded by South Dakota politician James Abourezk—the first Arab American to serve in the US Senate—in 1980, it quickly established chapters nationwide. In 1985, the Arab American Institute was established in Washington, D.C., to encourage and promote greater involvement by Arab Americans in civic life and the political process.

Twenty-First Century Developments

In 1987, the Reagan administration attempted to prosecute two longtime Palestinian American residents of California and six of their associates who had been distributing literature and working at fund-raising for the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. The government asserted that they were promoting communism. Dubbed the "LA 8," the Arab defendants were not deporteda federal judge ruled the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 under which they were being prosecuted to be unconstitutional. The government continued to attempt to revive the case six times over a period of twenty years, using successive pieces of antiterrorist legislation including the Patriot Act. In 2007, the Board of Immigration Appeals announced that no further action would be taken, following a ruling by a Los Angeles federal immigration judge that the plaintiffs’ civil rights had been repeatedly violated. This long, drawn-out case served as the focus for Arab immigrant distrust of the federal government and, despite the eventual vindication of the accused, created a legacy of wariness that was only exacerbated by the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States.

The social impacts of the events of September 11, 2001, on the Arab immigrant communities were varied, but included widespread Islamophobia,hate crimes among the general public, and longer lasting effects from several pieces of legislation passed by the US Congress in the immediate aftermath of the attacks. There was an intensification of existing negative stereotypes about Arabic speakers and an erosion of certain civil rights and elements of due process in investigations carried out by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) with the stated aim of identifying possible terrorists and their accomplicesbased in large part on racial profiling. Male immigrants from Arab nations regarded as terrorist havens who did not possess green cards were frequently required to be photographed, fingerprinted, and registered by the federal government.ore than 140,000 people were registered. Only a handful of the people investigated were actually accused of having terrorist links, but the process resulted in hundreds of Arab immigrants leaving the United States for their home nations, Canada, or Europe to avoid official deportation.

Many of the actions taken by the FBI were sharply criticized by the US Justice Department. These actions also helped energize civil liberties organizations within and outside the Arab community to oppose the selective enforcement of immigration law being utilized to target them. Arab immigrants found themselves having to repeatedly deal with the domestic political consequences of policies and actions they did not condone. They also were repeatedly obliged to emphasize and assert their adoption of American national culture, a process complicated by ignorance among mainstream Americans of the actual core values of Islam.

Despite these problems, the number of Arab nationals applying for immigrant status to the United States held firm after 2001—at an average of about four percent of total US immigration. However, there was a sharp decline in the numbers of foreign student visas issued to applicants from Middle Eastern countries. The drop in student visas ranged from 31 percent for persons from Lebanon to 65 percent for persons from the Persian Gulf states. At the same time, the US government actively sought persons fluent in all dialects of the Arabic language to work in its counterterrorism campaign as part of the War on Terror. Ironically, the scarcity of Arabic-language programs in American institutions of higher education forced the government to accept applicants for these new positions from among recent Arab immigrantswho faced lengthy periods of security evaluation before they were hired.

These cultural and political challenges resulted in a new awareness of the presence of Arab immigrants in the mind of the American public and offered the immigrants an unprecedented opportunity to educate other Americans on the realities of Arab life. A prime example of this new assertiveness was the appearance in public settings across the United States of women wearing head scarves as required by the Qurāna practice widespread within the Muslim world but not well known in the United States before 2001. In May 2005, the Arab American National Museum opened in Dearborn, Michigan. These and other outreach efforts by Arab political and religious organizations began to create a degree of balance in how the American public regards Muslim and Christian Arab Americans.

Despite these efforts, ongoing incidents of international and homegrown terrorism, often involving Muslimswhether Arab or notonly served to fuel further anti-Arab beliefs through the 2010s. Other international events, such as the Syrian civil war and resulting refugee crisis and the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)also known as ISIL or ISalso shaped US policy and public perspectives on Arab immigrants. Some politicians and organizations increasingly called for greater US isolationism, including the potential for major restrictions or even a ban on Muslim immigration or immigration from Middle Eastern or Arab countries. Others continued to argue that terrorism is not representative of the diversity of Arabic-speaking peoples or the peaceful and positive contributions of thousands of Arab immigrants already in the country. In 2017, Arab immigration to the US dropped significantly when President Trump signed an order restricting travel between the US and Iraq, Iran, Libya, Sudan, Syria, Somalia, and Yemen. This ban was revoked in 2021 by President Biden.

October 7, 2023

On October 7, 2023, Hamasa group designated as a terror organization by many international countrieslaunched a devastating surprise attack on Israel. Emerging from Gaza strongholds, Hamas breached Israel's massive wall complex separating Israel from Gaza. Hamas proceeded to attack both Israeli civilian and military targets. Hamas inflicted approximately 1,200 civilian deaths and kidnapped approximately 250 Israeli hostages. Israel countered with military operations in Gaza to destroy Hamas. Many suggested Israel's offensive disproportionally targeted Palestinian civilians. Media reports suggested Israeli attacks in Gaza had resulted in over 40,000 deaths by mid-2024.

The October 7 attacks were a galvanizing moment for Americans of Arab descent and immigrants. Widespread demonstrations in favor of the Palestinian cause emerged throughout the United States, most notably on college campuses. In states such as in Michigan, sizable Arab American populations were significant voting blocs in tightly contested "battleground' states. Nonetheless, in the 2024 presidential elections, many Arab Americans felt disenchanted between their choice between the initial Democratic nominee Joe Biden and Republican Donald Trump. After Kamala Harris replaced Joe Biden as the Democratic canidate in July 2024, Harris made a renewed effort to win back Arab American voters.

As a negative trendfollowing the October 7 eventshate crimes against Arab Americans again showed a spike. In April 2024, the American-Arab Anti Discrimination Committee announced 2,500 reports of anti-Arab hate in the six months between October 2023 and March 2024five times the number from the previous year. Some of these crimes were horrific. In October 2023, in Illinois, a six-year-old Palestinian boy named Wadea Al Fayoume was stabbed, leading to his death. In November 2023, in Vermont, three Palestinian college students were shot, presumably because of their Palestinian heritage.

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